As this collaborative effort remains “a work in progress“, information found in the Family Pages posted in this project (Wilson Family Tree Album Blog) continues to be periodically updated with corrections and/or new information. Similarly, additional Family Pages are added as time permits. Although subscribers receive an automated notification of each new blog posted (see Snapshots in Time), the structure of the hundreds of branches each Family Page represents resulted in the adoption of a format that does not provide for a similar notification which is why it is important to check back from time to time to see what has been updated. To help, below is a list of recent updates to existing “Family Pages” and new “Family Pages” that have been recently added. Please note that we are always looking to add portraits and photos of the ancestors, their children with their spouses, and at times their grandchildren, so please contact us if you have any to share.
Please let us know if you find any corrections. Please note that questions and additional information can be posted by submitting a “Reply” at the end of any specified page. Again, appreciate all the time and assistance that makes this project possible.
Beginning in 1769, British American colonist made the third attempt to establish permanent settlements west of the the Allegheny Mountains along the Greenbrier River and its tributaries.[1] Isolated from the colonial settlements along the Shenandoah Valley in western frontier of Virginia, the previous attempts by Britain’s American colonist to settle in the area had been annihilated in raids by Shawnee (Shawnese) Warriors in 1756 and again in 1763. Most of these colonial pioneers had been raised in the western frontier, including some that had survived the earlier attacks, forming strong family ties that bound them together.
Many of the colonist had previously lived in and around Berks County (Pennsylvania), where the illustrious frontiersman Daniel Boone had grownup until his father (Squire Boone) moved the family to North Carolina in 1750. This included Daniel Boone’s neighbors David Gerrad (Jerrett), his sister Margaret Griffith (wife of William Griffith), and their younger brother James Jarrett (see David Gerrad Sr). Not only was William Griffith married to the brother’s sister Margaret,[2]James Jarrett’s first wife has been reported to be Elizabeth Mary “Polly” Griffith;[3] and David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr’s first wife has been reported to have been Jane Griffith. While the extent of some of the kinships are not fully known, exploring the interrelationships of the families that intermarried with David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr’s family at their home in the Greenbrier frontier, known as Fort Jarrett, reveals the extraordinary journey of perseverance and hardships that is similar in many aspects to the life of Daniel Boone.
David Gerrad Sr (father of David, Margaret & James)
is the 5th paternal grandfather of Eula Claudine Reed
Among the first white to settle along the tributaries of the Greenbrier River were the families of Johann Frederick See/Sea (Zeh) and his brother-in-law Valentine “Felty” Yoakum (Jochem), who had settled a couple miles north of the Greenbrier River on Muddy Creek (a couple miles north of present-day Alderson, West Virginia) in the early 1750’s. Born in the Palatine settlement of Weiser’s Dorf (present-day Middleburgh, New York) in the Schoharie Valley, as a young boy Frederick See had moved over 250 miles south with his parents (George Zeh) to settle on a tributary of Tulpehocken Creek (Berks County, Pennsylvania).[4] After about 20 years, Frederick See moved with his parents along the “Indian Road” (“Warrior’s Path“) that ran west to Williams Ferry and south into Virginia through the new town of Winchester that had been founded in 1744. By November 6, 1749, George Zeh and his family had settled “above the Gap” on the South Branch of the Potomac River near Mill Creek (near present-day Petersburg, West Virginia) having traveled over 250 miles from Berks County (see map below).[5]
Cropped from Evans & Herbert’s 1752 map of the American Colonies (Library of Congress) revealing most of the western frontier was controlled by the specified Native American Indian tribes. Located near Albany, the Palatine settlement (Weiser’s Dorf) that Frederick See lived in with his parents was one of the “German Towns” listed in “Mohocks“(upper-left) west of Albany, New York. When Frederick See moved with his parents to Tulpehocken Creek, is listed just below “Berks” (Berks County) in Pennsylvania, most of their journey passed through lands that were still home of Native American Indian tribes.
By the time George Sea died in 1751, John See (likely Frederick See’s younger brother) had staked out a claim about 100 miles southwest of his parents “on the West Side of Green Beire River at a place Called Deep Spring…“[6] Frederick See and his brother-in-law Valentine “Felty” Yoakum (Jochem) moved about another 50 miles further down the Greenbrier Valley and settled a couple miles north of the Greenbrier River on Muddy Creek (a couple miles north of present-day Alderson, West Virginia). About 15 miles east of Frederick See’s claim on the Muddy Creek, his brother Michel See’s land was at “the lower End of the Great Glade and Sinking Creek Valley” (just west of present-day Lewisburg, West Virginia); and his brother George See staked out a claim adjoining the land that Archibald Clendenin would settle at the edge of the Great Levels in a small valley known as Rich Hallow (about 3 miles west of present-day Lewisburg, West Virginia).[7][8]
Following the start of the start of the French and Indian War in 1754, British General Edward Braddock’s force (1,300-1,400 men) was routed by a small French/Canadian force (251 men) along with their Indian allies (600-700 Lenni Lenape/Deleware, Odawa, Hurons, & Abenaki warriors) in the Battle of the Monongahela (near present-day Pittsburg, Pennsylvania) on July 9, 1755. As news spread, large numbers of settlers along the frontier fled to the safety of the older settlements.
Just south of the claims on Muddy Creek, there had been a small stockade (Baughman’s Fort) constructed on Henry Baughman’s 780 acres on the south side of Greenbrier River, and at the mouth of Wolf Creek.[9] This may have been one of “two stockade Forts” Captain Andrew Lewis had been “ordered with his Company of Rangers to Green Briar River…to build” in April of 1754; and “in one of which he was to remain himself and to detach to the other a subaltern with fifteen men…“[10] On August 12, 1755, Valentine “Felty” Yoakum and his father Mathias Yoakum were among the 59 settlers (21 men & 38 women/children) that made it to Baughman’s Fort when an estimated 50 Shawnee warriors attacked the settlers along the Greenbrier River. Although the settlers under the command of Captain Dickeson/Dickinson repulsed the attack, the list of colonist killed included Henry Baughman, John Couse (Consi), Couse’s father-in-law, Walter Fishpaugh (or Fishbock), George White, “old Christopher” (a slave?), Mrs. Consler, an old man, his wife, and a schoolmaster. When the fort was attacked again in September, there were two colonist killed (John Thomas & Corporal Bennet); and eight captured (Mrs. Fishpaugh & 5 children, Consler’s daughter, & Mrs. Iney). Afterwards, the remaining settlers fled to safer settlements east of the Allegheny Mountains; and the fort was burned down along with eleven homes burnt and 500 cattle/horse were killed or captured by the warriors (see below). Valentine “Felty” Yoakum, his father Mathias Yoakum, Naphthalim Gregory, Robert Allen, and William Elliott would later provide statements to the court that they witnessed the warriors kill Henry Baughman.[11]
In March of 1756, the list of men killed in Augusta County (Virginia) by the enemy (French/Indians) included John Sea, Micheal Motes, Patrick Smith; and Moses Man was listed as captured. Although the locations were not listed, it appears that these men were killed/captured in the Reed Creek region (near present-day Fort Chiswell, Virginia), where Robert Looney Jr and “a Dutchman” were killed in February.[12] Following the raids by Shawnee warriors in 1755, Patrick Calhoun and his brothers (William & James) had been forced to abandon their tracts of land on Reed Creek and move their families over 150 miles south to the “Waxhaws” on the North Carolina border with South Carolina (see Tracing Millers Migration from Pennsylvania to South Carolina). As he had for his father, Frederick See was appointed the administrator of John See’s estate in Augusta County on August 19, 1756.[13]
In October 1758, the British colonial governors of Pennsylvania and New Jersey successfully negotiated the Treaty of Easton with representatives of thirteen Native American tribes to end their support of the French with the promise that lands west of the Allegheny Mountains would be reserved for the Indians without settlement by colonist. As a result, the French were forced to abandon and burn Fort Duquesne (present-day Pittsburg) in November (1758). The British would capture Fort Ticonderoga, Fort Niagara, and Quebec in 1759; and Montreal in 1760; forcing the French to surrender Canada and Detroit in 1760.[14]
With the French gone, the British left Fort Pitt under the command of Colonel Henry Bouquet who frustrated American land speculators by interpreting the Treaty of Easton to prohibit settlement west of the Allegheny Mountains in Pennsylvania; prior to extending the prohibition to include Maryland and Virginia in 1761. On behalf of the land speculators controlling the grants on the Greenbrier River (including John Robinson’s Greenbrier Company), Virginia’s Lieutenant Governor Francis Fauquier attempted to circumvent Colonel Bouquet by asserting to the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Foreign Plantations (Board of Trade) that the colonist had already received legal title to the lands prior to having been driven out at the start of the war. While the Board of Trade claimed insufficient information to render “any explicit Opinion“, the commissioners again stressed to Fauquier to refrain from any action that “may in any degree, have a tendency” to alarm the Indians; adding that it would be “imprudent in the highest degree” to promote or encourage such settlements if any of the Indian tribes considered settlements as a violation of Indian rights.[15]
As early as 1761, Frederick See and his brother-in-law Valentine “Felty” Yoakum made their way back to the Greenbrier Valley to retain their claims on Muddy Creek. About 15 miles east in Rich Hallow, Archibald Clendenin and his family settled on the land surveyed for George See. Frederick See’s brother had decided against returning to his Greenbrier land, selling it to a George Wilson for Archibald Clendening in 1762. In what was seen by the Indian tribes of the Ohio Country (Shawnee, Delaware, Mingo & Wyandots) as an intentional violation of the treaty, there were about 50 colonist residing west of the Allegheny Mountains in “Greenbrier” by 1763.[16]
By 1762, a Delaware (Lenni Lenape) Indian profit Neolin living in the Shawnee village of Wakatomika (near the Muskingum River) was gaining influence with his visions that the “Master of Life” (Great Spirit) called on the Indians to return to the old ways and reject the ways of the white men. Seizing on Neolin’s message, in 1763 the Odawa Chief Pontiac/Pondiak (Obwandiyag) adopted the plan of Mingo Cheif Kiashuta (Guyasuta) by claiming the Master of Life called on “all thy red brethren” to stop fighting with each other and unite to drive the British back to the country from which they had come.[17] Having heard the French intentions to cede their claims east of the Mississippi River in the peace treaty (Treaty of Paris signed on February 10, 1763), the Indian tribes from the Ohio Country joined together to drive the British colonist back across the Allegheny Mountains, triggering raids across the frontier; including the assault on Fort Pitt on May 29, 1763.
In July of 1763, the Shawnee Chief Keigh-tugh-qua (Hokoleskwa, “the Cornstalk”) led a large war party (60-80 warriors) that arrived at the Muddy Creek settlement; which was that was unaware of the outbreak of hostilities. Frederick See’s daughter Catherine recalled that it was “a time of peace between the whites and Indians” when a “large war parties, seventy or eighty in number…encamped several days” on her father’s land. She added that he father “…had a large family; several daughters grown, or nearly so, and one married, with a first child at her breast.” Catherine explained that “in those days, the Indians were at war with each other… between the northern and southern tribes“; and “it had been the habit of ” these “large war parties” to travel “back and forth” through the area. She recalled the Indians “appeared to be in a kind of frolic“; and that her father Frederick See “notwithstanding their pretended friendship, expressed over and again to his family his fears of their evil design“; so her father “killed a fine hog for them, gave them bread and other things they wanted” in an attempt to “to win their favor as much as possible.” Having feed the warriors, Catherine recalled that “several Indians one day” (likely July 14, 1763) “entered the house in a friendly manner as usual, and at a certain signal drove their tomahawks into the heads of the old gentleman and his son-in-law, and made prisoners of all the balance of the family. The blood of the father fell on the head and face of a little son, who was at the time fondling on him. The Indians, not wishing to kill the boy, on seeing him so bloody, were fearful he might be hurt, took him up, carried him to the creek, and washed him, and found that he was safe. The Indians had divided, and while this tragedy was going on many other families near by were sharing the same fate” (including Valentine “Felty” Yoakum). She asserted this was “the common mode of Indians…to make the declaration of war, not with the pen, but with the hatchet.“[18]
Photo taken in 2011 of the maker for the Muddy Creek Massacre with a plaque that states “…Chief Cornstalk and sixty warriors destroyed the settlement in 1763, Frederick Sea, Joseph Carrol, Felty Yolkum and others were victims…” Photo shared by Greg Derylo (findagrave.com-memorialID#63012584)
While we know Frederick See’s eldest daughter Margaret survived, the name of her husband (Frederick See’s son-in-law) was not provided in the accounts shared by his daughter Catherine Johnson or by John Stuart.[19] Although Frederick See’s daughter Margaret has been reported to have been married to Beriah Littleberry Roach, no documentation to support this was provided or identified. Similarly, the only documentation identified that James Carrol was killed in the massacre was the monument at Muddy Creek (see above).
After the massacre at Muddy Creek, the war party moved on the the settlements at the edge of the Great Levels (Rich Hallow) where they encountered Conrad Yoakum (Valentine “Felty” Yoakum’s son) at the home of Archibald Clendenen. Colonel John Stuart later recalled that “Archibald Clendenens…entertained them until they put him to death, his family with a number of others living with him being all made prisoners or killed, not one escaping except Conrad Yolkcom who doubting the design of the Indians when they came to Clendenens took his horse out under the pretense of hobbleing him at some distance from the house — soon after some guns were fired at the house and a loud cry raised the people, whereupon Yolkcom taking the alarm mounted his horse and rode off as far as where the Court House now stands, and there beginning to ruminate whether he might not be mistaken in his apprehension, concluded to return and know the truth but just as he came to the corner of Clendenen’s fence some Indians placed there, presented their guns and attempted to shoot him, but their guns all missing fire (he thinks at least ten) he immediately fled to Jackson’s River alarming the people as he went, but few were willing to believe him, the Indians pursued after him and all that fell in their way were slain until they went on Carrs Creek now in Rockbridge County…” John Ewing was about 16 years-old when he was captured during the raid; and he would later recalled under oath that Archibald Clendenen was killed on July 15, 1763.[20]
After the raids at Muddy Creek and Rich Hallow, the Shawnee warriors “gathered their prisoners and booty together and set out for their town.” Frederick See’s daughter Catherine recalled that “her sister pressed her babe to her breast, and bore her long and speedy march with great fortitude” adding that “the day before they reached the Indian town, the Indians took all the young children and in the most barbarous manner killed them..” Afterwards, “her sister’s life appeared to be a burthen to her, and she did every thing in her power to provoke the Indians to kill her, making several attempts to kill some of them; but they kept so close a watch on her, that she never could effect it.”[21] According to family tradition, Frederick See’s widow “brazenly took one of the horses from an Indian warrior and set her young children on it, refusing to give it up when the warrior tried to take it back, earning her the name of ‘fighting squaw’.“[22] Recalling there were “more prisoners than Indians“, Colonel Stuart recounted that Archibald Clendenen’s wife told him that she being with “young child as they were passing over Keeneys nob from Muddy creek” she found herself “apart of the Indians being in front with the remainder behind & the prisoners un the center, Mrs. Clendinen handled her child to another woman to carry and she steped to one side and hid herself in a bush, but the Indians soon missing her one of them observed he would soon bring the Cow to her calf and taking the child caused it to cry out very loud, but the mother not appearing he took the infant and beat out against a tree…“[23]
In a belated attempt to avoid further conflict, the British Crown issued the Proclamation of 1763 prohibiting settlement by the American colonist from most of the territory ceded from France located west of the Allegheny Mountains on October 7, 1763.
In the fall of 1764, the force of 1,500 men led by Colonel Henry Bouquet into the Ohio country had reached the Tuscarawas River; when representatives of the Ohio Indian tribes came to sue for peace on October 13, 1764. On October 28, 1764, Captain Hay reported that “Lieut. Winter with his party and the Indian prisoners arrived at this post“; and he reported there were a total of 134 captives of the Shawnees “received at the Forks of the Muskinghum” river, on November 1-4, 1764. The captives were noted to be “remarkably attach’d to the Indians, & discontented at their being forc’d them: There is great room to Suspect many of them will therefore attempt to escape…” On November 15, 1764, the list of 60 prisoners escorted to Ft. Pitt by Captain Charles Lewis included Michael See, George See, Margaret Yokeham, and Mary See (captured in 1763); along with Susan Fishback and Margaret Fishback (captured in 1756). On December 1, 1764, the list of 46 captives departing from Ft. Pitt to be returned to their families in Augusta County (Virginia), under the care of Colonel John McNeil, included Micheal See, George See, Margart Yokeham, Mary See, Catherine See, Susan Fishback, and Margaret Fishback.[24]
On November 19, 1764, another ten Indian prisoners were surrendered (per Alex McClenachan) at the Shawnee village of Wappatamaha (Wakatomika) on November 19, 1764. Reporting he had “only four hostages of the Shawnese” (including Chief Cornstalk?), William Johnson reported he had sent Mingo Chief Keyashuta (Guyasuta) “to collect some Prisoners remaining Still among the Wyandots” (dated November 30-December 3, 1764). A list of nine additional prisoners surrendered by “the Shawanese Indians at Mackwayack” that arrived at Fort Pitt on January 5, 1765; included 12 year-old Elizabeth Yoakim, Mary Williams “an old woman“, and her 4 year-old son David Williams (all “taken in July 1763 from Greene Bryar”).[25] On May 10, 1765, the Shawanese Indians delivered 42 additional captives to Fort Pitt. This included 7 year-old John Sea, 19 year-old Peggy Sea, 10 year-old Sally Sea, 7 year-old Mary Sea, and 5 year-old Sally Yokim. While the girls were all reported to have been held for two years after they’re captured at “Green Bryer“, John Sea was reported to have been held for seven years after he was captured.[26]
According to John See’s grandson (Reverend Michael See), John See had been “adopted in an Indian Family that had lost a child and they told him that if the whites should get him they would burn him and he believed it…” Consequently, after John See had been returned with “the rest of his family except his sister Elizabeth” and traveling “nine miles that first day, … that night as” John See “was lying between two of his sisters he crept out and ran back to his old Indian Mother“; and the Shawnee would return John See again “the next year.“[27] According to Frederick See’s daughter Catherine, “the female part of the families left the towns with great cheerfulness, but the boys, and especially the younger ones, had become so completely Indian, that they had to be forced away from their Indian playmates; and a close watch had to be kept over them, and, notwithstanding all the vigilance they could apply, John See, a small boy, made his escape on the third night, evaded a vigilant pursuit, and made his way back to the towns, and was two years longer there before his friends succeeded in getting him away. Most of the See family were brought to the south branch and taken into the families of their friends; my father-in-law, Michael See, took charge of John when he was obtained, in addition to one of the others that he had previously taken. They were grown and gone to their father’s place, on Greenbriar, before I became acquainted with the family, but I have often heard my mother-in-law say that she never undertook such a task as it was to break in those wild Indian boys, and especially John; it was utterly impossible, she said, to keep clothes on them; in the summer season she did not attempt it, as it was worse than useless to do so, at least any more than shirts, and the strongest tow or hemp linen shirt that could be put on them, with the strongest kind of fastenings that could be applied at wristband and collar, would perhaps in an hour’s time be torn off them and thrown by, and they would be found swimming like wild ducks in the river, or wallowing naked in the sand beaches on the shores; and in their melancholy moments they would often be heard to exclaim, in all the apparent agonies of distress, ‘0! my Innies, my Innies!’ (meaning Indians.) It took a number of years to root out this attachment, and indeed it was thought by a part of their friends that some of the boys carried remnants of it to their graves…“[28]
Although the Shawnee and other Ohio tribes had sued for peace, resolution of formal treaty was delayed for years as the British Board of Trade resolved boarder issues with the colonies, Six Nations, and Cherokee. This was partially resolve when the British were finally able to establish the borders of the ceded territory from Cherokee with the the Treaty of Hard Labour with the Cherokee in October 1768; and the Six Nations (Mohawk, Oneida, Tuscarora, Onondaga, Cayuga & Seneca) with the Boundary Line Treaty in November 1768 (see map below).[29] However, the Shawnee led by Chief Cornstalk along with members of the Mingo (Seneca) and Delaware tribes had been excluded from the negotiations and did not consent to the terms. Nevertheless, in 1769 the Virginia House of Burgesses proceeded passing an act to organize western section of Augusta County (including the Greenbrier River valley) into the new county of Botetourt which was established on January 31, 1770.[30]
Cropped from the 1770 Map of Virginia by John Henry and Thomas Jefferys, territory below the Ohio River and west of the “Allagany Ridge of Mountains” to the Great Konhaway River (Kanawha River) was expected to be ceded to Great Britain by the Six Nations (see notation highlighted in yellow) due to the Boundary Line Treaty of 1768 (Treaty of Ft. Stanwix). In addition, in the Treaty of Hard Labor (1768) the Cherokee had ceded the territory east of a diagonal line running south from where the Great Konhaway River (Kanawha River) flowed into the Ohio River to Chiswell’s Mine (present-day Austinville, Virginia) on the New River near the Virginia border with North Carolina. While this included the waters of the Greenbrier River which flowed into the New River (highlighted in blue), detailed surveys of this recently ceded region had not been made.
For the first time since 1763, the frontiersmen cautiously began to re-established permanent settlements along the Greenbrier River valley in 1769.[31] Seizing on the opportunity, the Mathews brothers (Sampson & Grant) extended their merchant business in Staunton (Virginia) by establishing in 1771 “Mathews Trading Post” near the shallows of the Greenbrier River known as Mathews Ford, not far from the mouth of Howard’s Creek (present-day Greenbrier County, West Virginia). Managed by John Stuart, the trading post served both as a store and a tavern; along with hosting occasional shooting contests in which frontiersmen purchased chances to win a prize. Early store ledgers reveal most of the frontiersmen traded deerskins, a popular commodity in Virginia,[32] indicating their prowess as “longhunters” that ventured into the Indian lands on “long hunts” during the winter months, much like Daniel Boone.
Cropped from an 1827 map of Virginia (Library of Congress), David Jarret’s Fort on Wolf Creek (highlighted in Yellow) is located south of the town of Alderson in Monroe County (present-day West Virginia). Tributaries of the Greenbrier River, Muddy Creek and Griffeys Creek (Griffith Creek) flow south into the river near Alderson. Not far from the mouth of Howard’s Creek (east of Alderson), Mathew’s Trading Post was located near the shallows of the Greenbrier River known as Mathews Ford in Greenbrier County (West Virginia). Indian Creek flows west into New River, south of the confluence of New River and Greenbrier River (near present-day Hinton).
Before it was safe for their families, the frontiersmen would have traveled into this remote region with relatives and friends to clear timber on their selected tract of land for a cabin and small farm. Several of the first cabins included crude crude fortifications were often referred to as a fort, stations, or blockhouse; providing safety to closely aligned families and friends as they built cabins nearby on their land. In 1771-1772, Captiam John Stewart (Stuart) established “Fort Springs” about 12 miles down the Greenbrier River from “Mathews Trading Post“; and about another 11 miles south of “Fort Springs“, “Captain Jarrett built Jarrett’s Fort” on Wolf Creek (also known and “Wolf Creek Fort“).[33]
This “hypothetical reconstruction” of Jarrett’s Fort is based on the alignment of features revealed during the archaeological excavations.[34]
Located just south of the burned-out Baughman’s Fort (1755), Fort Jarrett was built “about three miles” from where Wolf Creek joins the Greenbrier River, along the northern ridge that overlooked the creek, on the land of David Gerrad(Jarrett) Jr. As illustrated above, archaeological excavations indicate David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr’s two-pen (room) cabin was “41 by 26 feet” that was “surrounded partially by a stockade and partially by a fence“, with a 16 foot by 16 foot cellar connected to “one bastion stockade to the east“; “two outbuildings with small cellars to the south and southeast of the house“, which likely served as “corner blockhouses” (see above).[35] Ledgers at “Mathews Trading Post” establish that James Jarret (Gerritt/Jerrit) had arrived in the area in April of 1771; with entries in October 1772 for DavidJarret/Gerrit (powder, lead, paper of pins), his brother James Jarret (Gerritt/Jerrit), his brother-in-law William Griffith/Griffents (hand saw file), John Griffith (Griffets/Griffitts), and Peter Shoemaker (handsaw file, pair of scissors).”[36]
Although if was published that the “Hon. Hickman Jarrett” was a descendant of “Capt. Jarrett” who “built the fort on Wolf Creek known as the Wolf Creek, or Jarrett’s Fort“, Thomas Hickman Jarrett (1851-1929) was the great-grandson of David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr’s brother James Jarrett.[37] This suggests a family tradition passed down to the descendants that James Jarrett had assisted his older brother in the construction of Fort Jarrett; and over time this simply evolved to James Jarrett had built the fort.
Cropped from map of fort locations provided by Archeologist W. Stephen McBride, Ph.D. and Kim Arbogast McBride, Ph.D. in Frontier Community Defense of Monroe and Summers Counties, West Virginia. The locations marked with a blue star were approximated based on documentation that was less precise. Locations marked by a red star were far more certain due to more precise documentation, and/or verification by archaeology.
John VanBibber (Daniel Boone’s good friend) along with his brother Peter Van Bibber, were reported to have come “down through the Kanawha Valley from the Wolf Creek Fort“; and “probably Matthew Arbuckle” followed this same route.[38] Ledgers at “Mathews Trading Post” establish that John Vanbaber (VanBibber) was in the area in April 1771; with an entry for his brother Isaac Vanbaber (VanBibber) in June 1771; and an entry for his brother Peter Vanbiber (VanBibber) in September 1771.[39] About 7 miles southwest of Fort Jarrett, John VanBibber fortified his cabin with a stockade (VanBibber’s Fort) near the convergence of Kelley Creek with the Greenbrier River “in the general vicinity of the Lowell Hotel (1870s-1930s)” and “the site of the old Lowell train depot” (likely by 1772). Across the Greenbrier River from John VanBibber’s Fort, James Graham built his fortified cabin around this same timeframe. Although the exact location is not known, Peter VanBibber’s fortified cabin or blockhouse was reported to have been established upstream from Fort Jarrett by 1773.[40]
Cropped from photo of the Graham house (Library of Congress) built between 1770-1772. This was likely similar to the cabin of David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr.
By 1772, Daniel Boone and other colonial frontiersmen ignored the treaties by establishing the Watauga Settlement about 180 miles southwest of Jarrett’s Fort. When British authorities advised the frontiersmen to abandon their unauthorized settlements, they defied the British by forming the Watauga Association in 1772; and negotiating their own agreement to lease the land with the Cherokee. This was seen by the Indian tribes (including many Cherokee) as a clear violation of their treaties with the British colonist (see Acts of Rebellion: Settlement South of the Holston River).
While John VanBibber estimated “about three hundred and upwards living on these waters” beyond what he reported in 1772, the list of reported tithables for colonist living on the waters of the Greenbrier (River) in Botentourt County (Virginia) included James Jarrid (1), Joseph Swop (2), John Swop (1), John Hardy (3), Isaac VanBebber (1), John Griffith (1), John VanBebber (2), Peter VanBebber (1), and Micael Swop (1).[41] Living less than a mile north of David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr’sFort Jarret, Joseph Swope (Hans Urlich Schwab) had moved down from Pennsylvania along with other German frontiersmen and had settled on Wolf Creek prior to having been forced to flee in 1756 and again in 1763. When his son Joseph Swope was 5 years-old, he was captured by the Shawnee and held captive for nine years near the village of Chillicothe the west bank of the Scioto River (present-day Ohio).[42] According to John See’s grandson (Reverend Michael See), Frederick See’s widow Catherine “married a man named Hardy“; and there was an entry on the ledger of “Mathews Trading Post” for John Hardy in August 1772, along with another entry for Michael Sea as “agent for John Hardy” in December 1772.[43]
Thomas Griffith and David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr’s younger brother Phillip Gerret were still living on the “upper settlement of Little River” in Botetourt County,[44] about 90 miles south of Fort Jarrett. Prior to becoming part of Botetourt County, David Garred and Thomas Griffith had been living near each other “on the head of Little River” in Loudoun County (Virginia) in 1770.[45]
In 1773, the list of tithable colonist living “on the waters of Greenbrier” (River) in Botetourt County appears to have been far more complete, with the list including Conrad Yoakam, David Jarred, George Yoakam, Isaac VanBebber, James Graham, John Griffith, James Jarret, John Hardy, John VanBebber, Peter VanBebber, and William Griffith, and John Griffith.[46] Although the family ties are unclear, Rachel Griffith was living with Thomas Griffith when she married Willson Lewis in Botetourt County (Virginia) on January 25, 1774. Rachel Griffith was “past the age of 21 years” and her father, Thomas Griffith, was deceased.[47] Suggesting ties to the Jarrett family, Wilson Basil Lewis and his wife Rachel name a son “John Jarrett Lewis” (born 1790).
“In the fall of 1773, Captain William Russell…and Daniel Boone” set out with their families to led a group colonial families to settle on land in Kentucky. As Daniel Boone’s group of five families entered the Powell Valley, Daniel Boone sent his 17 year-old son James Boone ahead with two brothers to Fort Russell (present-day Castlewood, Virginia). On October 8, 1773, Colonel Russell sent a small party (including his son Henry Russell & James Boone) to advise Daniel Boone that his group of families were not ready to depart. Before they could rendezvous with Daniel Boone’s group in the Powell Valley, a band of 15 Delaware warriors surprised the small party, murdering six (including Henry Russell & James Boone), capturing three, and two escaping. After learning of the massacre, Daniel Boone’s group aborted their plans, traveling to the safety of Fort Russell.[48]
A land speculator, Colonel George Washington had been pressing Virginia’s Royal Governor Dunmore (John Murray) to secure large land grants for himself and others that had served in the French and Indian War. After Dunmore relented and post notice authorizing survey’s (see below), Lord Dartmouth sharply reprimanded Dunmore “that independent of the general impropriety of laying out any lands within that tract until His Majesty’s pleasure be fully known, it seems to me at least very doubtful whether provincial officers and soldiers are included in that proclamation ; and therefore I trust that you will grant no patents or allow no further locations to be made upon such claims until you have received further orders from the King” in a letter dated April 6, 1774.[49] Lord Dartmouth was the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and a member of the British Cabinet.
The Virginia Council did not enable settlers to take land claims until 1773; and as a result, the first new surveys for land claims on the waters of Greenbrier River in Botetourt County (including 9 on Wolf Creek) were made in the spring of 1774.[50] According to the published notice, survey’s were to be done for “Officers and Soldiers” that had fought for Virginia in the French and Indian War (see above).[51] A survey was made for Conrad Yoakham of 70 acres “in Botetourt County on Muddy Creek a branch of Greenbior” on March 2, 1774;[52] and a survey was made for James Jarrett of 216 acres “in Botetourt County on Mudy Creek a branch of Greenbrier” on March 5, 1774.[53] On March 7, 1774, surveys were made “in Botetourt County on Wolf Creek a branch of Greenbrier” for David Jarrett of 270 acres, and 65 acres for Patrick Dickson (see below);[54] with surveys made for Peter Vanbebber of 298 acres, and James Graham of 173 acres, “in Botetourt County on Greenbior” on March 8, 1774. On March 11, 1774, the surveys on “Woolf Creek a branch of Greenbior” were made for Joseph Swoob (200 acres), John Evans (170 acres), Moses Hall (290 acres), and John Wiley (89 acres); and the next surveys were made on Wolf Creek for Michael Swoob (167 acres), John Swoob (220 acres), James Miller (286 acres), and James Anderson (77 acres).[55]
Colorized copy of the surveys on Wolf Creek made for David Jarrett and Patrick Dickson recorded in the Botetourt County (Virginia) Survey Book original Survey Book, pages 32-33.
After the British removed troops from Fort Pitt in 1772, the British Crown granted Pennsylvania authority to garrison militia in the fort in spite of Virginia’s disputed claim of the Ohio country. In early 1774, Virginia’s Royal Governor Dunmore (John Murray) sent Captain Dr. John Connolly to seized control of the fort (renaming it Fort Dunmore) from Pennsylvania. The day after surveying land for Colonel George Washington near the convergence of the Coal River with the Kanawha River (near present-day Saint Albans, West Virginia), the survey party learned that a party of 13 Virginia long hunters killed three Shawnee Indians at the convergence of the Scioto River with the Ohio River (present-day Portsmouth, Ohio) causing “the Indians to hold a council & they are determined to kill the Virginians and rob the Pensylvanians…” On April 27, 1774, 15 men led by Captain Michael Cresap attacked a contingent of 14 Shawnee (including Chief Cornstalk) that had been called to Fort Pitt by the British Indian Agent George Croghan, on the Ohio River at Pipe Creek (about 11 miles south of Wheeling, West Virginia), forcing the Shawnee to flee to Delaware Indian villages. On April 30, 1774, Daniel Greathouse and a group of 20-32 settlers (including Sappington) murdered seven Mingo Indians (including Chief Logan’s brother & three women) that had been guests drinking at the frontier cabin of Joshua Baker near Yellow Creek on the Ohio River (near present-day Wheeling, West Virginia). The baby of the squaw killed was then returned to his father, Colonel John Gibson. Although he had been advocating peace, Chief Logan joined with Shawnee to seek revenge after learning that his family members had been murdered.[56]
On May 24, 1774, Virginia’s House of Burgesses (including George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, & Patrick Henry) passed a resolution in support of Boston after the British instituted acts to close the Boston harbor in response to the Boston Tea Party (December 16, 1773). On May 26, 1774, Virginia’s Royal Governor Dunmore (John Murray) called the members “in the Council Chamber”; and advised them he had “in my Hand a Paper, published by Order of your House…which makes it necessary for me to dissolve you, and you are dissolved accordingly.”[57]
On June 10, 1774, Dunmore sent notice to the western Virginia counties that he had received new from Fort Pitt that the Indians were planning to “falling upon the back parts of this Country and Committing all the outrages and devastations…in their power“; and ordering “the Militia of your County be forthwith embodied, and held in readiness either to defend that part of the Country or to march to the Assistance of any other“; along with recommending the militia “to erect Small Forts in Such places as would Serve best to protect the adjacent Settlers” if necessary.[58] In response, the militia was called out along the Greenbrier River and a stockade (Fort Arbuckle) was built at the convergence of Mill Creek into Muddy Creek under the direction of Captain Mathew Arbuckle.[59] Not only had all free white males in Virginia (with exception of Quakers) “above the age of eighteen years and under the age of sixty years” been subject to service in the local militia since 1755, most of the men living in the area are known to have served in the militia at some point; so it is extremely likely this had included David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr, James Jarrett, William Griffith, John See, George See, John Hardy, and Conrad Yoakum.[60]
In July 1774, Indians were reported to have approached Fort Arbuckle and fired at one of the sentries, along with killing William Kelley and capturing his niece “about half mile from” the fort. “About three weeks earlier”, Walter Kelley (the niece’s father) and Colonel John Field’s son had been killed, along with a negro girl captured, “about twelve miles below the great falls” (Kanawha Falls-about fifty miles northwest of Fort Arbuckle). Colonel John Field narrowly escaped.[61]
On July 1774, Lord Dunmore sent orders to Colonel Andrew Lewis to “raise a respectable Boddy of Men” and meet Dunmore at the mouth of the Great Kanawha River (Point Pleasant); and there were seven militia companies raised from Botetourt County under the command of Captain Matthew Arbuckle (including William Morris, John Jones, John Hardy, George See, George Yokum, & John Griffiths), Captain John Murray, Captain John Lewis (John Swope, Peter Deweese?), Captain James Robertson, Captain Robert McClenachan (Greenbrier-Sinking Creek), Captain James Ward, and Captain John Stuart (Greenbrier).[62] Although the Vanbibber brothers have been reported to have served in Captian James Kirtley’s Culpepper County company, Captain John Vanbibber’s militia company (including William Griffiths, Peter Shoemaker, Isaac Vabibber, Peter Vanbibber & George Yoakum) were reported to have served during the campaign.[63] As the overall commander, Colonel Andrew Lewis placed Colonel William Fleming in command of the militia companies from Botetourt County. On September 11, 1774, Colonel Andrew Lewis departed from Camp Union (present-day Lewisburg, West Virginia) with an estimated 1,100 men with Captain Matthew Arbuckle’s men in the lead.[64]
Cropped from page 155 of the 1774 militia payment ledgers for Captain Mattew Arbuckle’s District (Library of Virginia Archives-Lord Dunmore’s War 1774). Although not listed in the milia payroll for Captain Matthew Arbuckle’s company, this payment for James Jarret was recorded along with payment to Isaac Vanbeavor’s widow.
Although it has been reported that “Daniel Boone left in command of three frontier garrisons (probably Camp Union, Donnally’s Fort, and Wolf Creek or Jarrett’s Fort)” in September of 1774,[65] Daniel Boone had been given command of three forts on the Cliche River (including Fort Moore & Fort Blackmore) located about 150 miles west of Jarrett’s Fort.[66] As there is no documentation that he departed with Colonel Andrew Lewis, the fact he has been referred to as Captain Jarrett could suggest David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr was left in command of the forts along Wolf Creek since the VanBibber brothers (John, Peter & Isaac) along with most of the men in the militia had departed with Colonel Lewis.
Before they could unite with Dunmore’s men, Colonel Andrew Lewis’s command encountered 300-500 warriors (Shawnee, Wyandotts & Delaware) led by Chief Keigh-tugh-qua (Cornstalk) at the mouth of the Kanawha River on the morning of October 10, 1774. Two men from Captain Russell’s company discovered a large party of Indians, one was killed, and the other escaped to warn the camp. In a “hard fought Battle” that “lasted from 7 in the Morning to an hour by sun [dusk]” the out numbered Indians were forced to withdraw. The next day, the bodies of 33 warriors were found in the battlefield; and Colonel Lewis is reported to had 75 killed (including Colonels Charles Lewis & John Field; Captains Robert McClenachan, James Ward, John Murray; & Isaac VanBibber) and 140 wounded (including Colonel William Fleming). Captain John Stuart added that Chief Keigh-tugh-qua (Cornstalk) had proposed peace, but his warriors “would not listen to him”; adding that Cornstalk demonstrated “great military skill” in the attack and retreat.[67]
Note: Veterans of the Battle of Point Pleasant were given Revolutionary War Pensions.
Colonel Andrew Lewis was encamped within three miles of the Shawnee towns on the Scioto River when they were notified that the Shawnee had agreed to a treaty with Lord Dunmore (Treaty of Camp Charlotte on October 19, 1774). The Shawnee agreed to end their claim of land east of the Ohio River, and the militia were ordered to return home. However, Captain William Russell (Henry Russell’s father) was sent to Point Pleasant with 50 men.[68] Captain William Russell’s militia company reported William Jarrot (relative of David Gerrad Jr?) serving 94 days, Peter Vanbebbler serving 34 days, and John Vanbebber serving 34 days.[69] Since Isaac VanBibber was not listed, John VanBibber and his brother Peter VanBibber likely had joined the Captain Russell’s company when they were sent to Point Pleasant in November, 1774. Captain William Russell had recruited 42 men from the Cliche River and was attached to Colonel Christian.[70]
Copy of the notice published on page 3 of “The Virginia Gazette” on March 11, 1775. The statement by the “Freeholders of Botetourt County” (land owners) to their delegates who were to attend the second Virginia Convention in the week of March 20, 1775.
With tensions between the colonist and British escalating in Boston, Patrick Henry addressed the Virginia delegates in a short impassioned speech asserting the British had sent their army and navy to force the colonies submission to enslave them to the royal crown. He famously ended his call for action by exclaiming “… Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!” Lord Dunmore responded by seizing the gunpowder stores in Williamsburg the day after (April 20, 1775) the Battles of Lexington and Concord (April 19, 1775); and issuing a proclamation against Patrick Henry (May 3, 1775). The Virginia convention moved to replaced the royal government with the “Committee of Safety” to govern and defend Virginia (see The Defeat of Virginia’s Royal Governor).
After his service under Captain Arbuckle, John Jones traveled to Culpeper County (Virginia) and married William Morris Sr’s daughter Frances “Frankie” Morris on November 17, 1775. John Jones and his wife Frances returned to Botetourt County in the Spring of 1776.[71]
On January 4, 1776, Frederick See’s daughter Elizabeth See was married to Peter Shoemaker by Reverend John Alderson Jr. in Augusta County, Virginia.[72]The Shawnee Indians had not returned Frederick See’s daughter Elizabeth See until sometime around 1772, after she had been held for captive for nine years.[73] While in captivity, Elizabeth See has been reported to have married a Shawnee Indian (possibly the son of Chief Cornstalk) and that she had a child with her Shawnee husband prior to returning to the whites. However, this remains unproven.
In 1775/1776, Captain Matthew Arbuckle raised a company (including George See, John See & Peter VaBibber Jr) of 100 men to serve 12 months “defending the western frontier of Virginia from the incursions of the hostile Indians…” About September, Captain Arbuckle marched his company to the mouth of the Kanawha River; where they built Fort Randolph at Point Pleasant. All the men in his company were reported to have provided their own weapon (all rifles) and clothing; and the wives (i.e. Francis Jones) of at least some of the men (i.e. John Jones) lived with them at the fort. By October of 1776, Captain Arbuckle’s company was reorganized on paper as the 5th company of the 12th Virginia Regiment of the Continental Line. Captain Arbuckle was later reinforced with another company of 100 men under the command of Captain William McKee.[74]
In the spring of 1776, at the first sign on Indians most of the settlers in this region “a company of Militia commanded by Captain John Henderson” was “raised in that part of the State of Virginia which is now Monroe on Wolf Creek” and most of the settlers removed to the safety of “Cook’s Fort which was situated on Indian Creek” (about 20 miles south of Jarrett’s Fort). Although they “did not belong to any organized Company“, there were militia “stationed with seven or eight families at fort Jarret…there were in said families about 40 or 50 persons…guarding the fort and fields while the families were employed in the vicinity of the fort in cultivating their farms.” Despite being “few in number and not well armed“, this irregular militia was “like minute men” holding “themselves in constant readiness to march to repell invasions whenever called upon, their duty to be performed depending more upon sudden and unexpected calls from different settlements in the vicinity…“[75]
Copy printed by John Dunlap by order of the Congress to announce the Declaration of Independence on July 4, 1776.
In September 1776, William Griffith provided beef for the militia in Botetourt County, Virginia.[76] About 1776, Valentine “Felty” Yoakum’s son George Yoakum has been reported to have married Isaac VanBibber’s daughter Martha “Patty” VanBibber (likely in Botetourt County).
In 1777, “Capt. Campbell of Bedford County came out to their relief, and distributed his men being about 40 in number among the aforesaid forts, of whom 10 or 12 were left at fort Jarret under the command of Lieut Abraham Sharp, these men being unacquainted with the country did not perform ranging duty, but remained as a guard at the fort…“. Local men, possibly including David Jarrett, formed a company of rangers that patrolled between Jarrett’s Fort and the neighboring forts “almost constantly…from early in the spring untill late in the Fall.“[77] On September 12, 1777, Steel Lafferty was killed at his home on Indian Creek by raiding Indians before a small relief party (including James Ellison) made the 15-16 mile trek from Cook’s Fort.[78] Around this same time, a Shawnee Indian raiding party attacked settlers at Lieutenant James Graham’s house on the Greenbrier River (about 7 miles south of Jarrett’s Fort) killing a neighbor Walter Caldwell, Lieutenant Graham’s son John Graham, a “negro fellow” named Sharp, and taking Lieutenant Graham’s young daughter Elizabeth Graham hostage. Militia from nearby “Van-Bibbers Fort on Greenbrier River” responded and, with the assistance of “a party of 8 or or ten other men from Ft. Jarret“, drove off the raiding party which escaped with Captain Graham’s young daughter.[79]
In October 1777, Reverend John Alderson Jr arrived with his family at Jarrett’s Fort; remaining there a short time until his cabin was built on the Greenbrier River (present-day Alderson, West Virginia).[80] His father, Reverend John Alderson Sr, had founded the Primitive Baptist on Linville Creek, which was about 60 miles south of Winchester (Virginia) on the the “Indian Road” that had become known as the “Great Wagon Road” taken by colonist into the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia (see Tracing Millers Migration from Pennsylvania to South Carolina). On October 20, 1777, the land west of the Greenbrier River was split-off from Botetourt County (Virginia), along with a small section of Montgomery County (Virginia), and organized into Greenbrier County, Virginia.
Sometime around the first week of November 1777, Shawnee Chief Keigh-tugh-qua (“Cornstalk”) arrived at Captain Matthew Arbuckle’s garrison at Fort Randolph (Point Pleasant) along with young Redhawk and Chief “Old Yie” Patella; and notified Captain Arbuckle that despite his objection all the rest of the Shawnee were “joining the war on the side of the British…” To discourage the Shawnee from attacking, Captain Arbuckle had detained the three; and Cornstalk’s son Elinipsico (Allanawissica) had come to the fort to see his father on November 10, 1777. While his son was visiting, two young militiamen (Hamilton & Gilmore) were ambushed outside the fort, killing Gilmore. Incensed, Captain John Hall and several men from Captain Dickinson’s company rushed inside the fort, pushed aside Captain Arbuckle and Captain John Stuart, and gunned down “in cold blood” the unarmed Chief Cornstalk, his son, Redhawk, and Chief “Old Yie” Patella.[81]
Published on the front page of “The Virginia Gazette” on April 3, 1778; the Proclamation of Virginia Governor Patrick Henry offers rewards for the arrest of five men (James Hall of Rockbridge, Malcalm McCown of Augusta, Adam Barnes of Green Brier, William Roane of Rockbridge, & Hugh Galbreath of Rockbridge) for the “atrocious murder” of Chief Cornstalk on November 10, 1777.
Zedekiah Shumaker (relative of Peter Shoemaker?) would later recall that “the murder of Cornstalk so incensed the Shawnees, that they mustered all their strength, and in May of 1778 they attacked the fort at Point Pleasant” (Fort Randolph) in which “Paddy Shearman” was killed “James Gilmore” was wounded. After the Shawnee “besieged the fort for several days“, the warriors “killed all our stock of every kind, which they could see and supposing no one would dare leave the fort they informed the Grenadier Squaw, who was then in the fort and went out to see them that they were going to attack the forts and settlements in Greenbrier“. William Pryor’s brother elder brother John Pryor and Philip Hammond “were dressed in Indian style by the Grenadier Squaw, and followed the Indians and passed them at the meadow within ten or twelve miles of Donnelleys fort where they… ” warned the settlers “a short time” (May 28, 1778) before the Shawnee attacked the fort. Fort Donnally was about 10 miles northwest of Camp Union, with about 25 militia under the command of Captain Andrew Donnally along with about 60 women and children.[82]
Early in the morning on May 29, 1778, Andrew Donnally’s slave Richard “Dick” Pointer and Philip Hammond saw the first Shawnee at the fort and were able to bar the door. The militia were awakened by Pointer firing his musket into the attacking warriors. As the alarm quickly spread throughout the Greenbrier settlement, Captain John Stuart along with 68 men (including Colonel Samuel Lewis & Captain Matthew Arbuckle) were able to reinforce Donnally’s militia while the fort was still under siege by an estimated 200 warriors; and the warriors were compelled to abandon the attack that night. During the attack, 17 warriors were killed with only four killed and two men wounded in the fort. While it is unclear if Ensign James Jarrett from Fort Arbuckle was among the 68 men that initially reinforced Donnally’s militia, ten militiamen (including Edward Hall) from Fort Jarrett arrived “at Donley’s fort about 2 days after the attack“; with “nearly 200 men from the Country and different forts” arriving and pursuing “the Indians about 20 miles to Suell Mountain” (Sewell Mountain) prior to returning “back to the forts” after ;”not having discovered the Indians.“[83]
On September 8, 1778, John Hardy and his stepson Michael See posted the bond for the marriage of Michael See and Elizabeth Shell (see below). The daughter of William Morris Sr, Elizabeth Shell had been recently widowed by the death of her first husband, John Schull.
On January 14, 1779, David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr’s younger brother Jessee Jarrat was married to Sarah Cambel by Reverend John Alderson Jr in Greenbrier County, Virginia.[84] Sarah Campbell may have been the daughter of John Campbell, who named daughter Sarah in his will probated in 1803 (more research needed). Jesse Jarrett and his wife Sarah appear to have lived on Muddy Creek near his brother James Jarrett.
Beginning on “first day of May 1779“, David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr’s neighbor Michael Swope served “as an Indian Spy” (scout) in which he would ride a a circuit from “Cook’s Fort on Indian Creek descended said Creek to its mouth where it empties into New River and thence down New River to the mouth of Blue Stone, thence to Van-Bibbers Fort on Greenbrier River, and thence to Jarretts Fort on Wolf Creek, making a distance in going and returning of from thirty to thirty-five miles” over “three to four days in each week...” Continuing util he was discharged “on the first day of November“, Michael Swope added that “when they saw signs of the Indians they would fligh from Fort to Fort and give the alarm so that preparations might be made for defensive operations by the people that were forted and that those who had ventured out to work their corn might betake themselves to the Fort before the Indians would attack them.“[85]
On April 18, 1780, David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr’s younger brother Oen Jarret was married to Mary Doran by Reverend John Alderson Jr in Greenbrier County, Virginia.[86]Owen Jarrett and his wife Mary are reported to have lived on Muddy Creek near Owen’s brother James Jarrett. Mary Doran is reported to have been the daughter of Jacob Van Doran (Van Doorn) and his wife Catherine Shadow (Chateau?). On March 22, 1780, a “warrant for 200 acres” in Augusta County (Virginia) was “issued to William Anderson, assignee of Jacob Doran, executor and only heir at law of Ludowick Shadon, a sergeant un Col. Henry Boquet until discharged 15 Nov. 1762.“[87] Jacob Van Doran (Van Doorn) is reported to have emigrated from the Dutch Republic and Ludwick Shadow (Schad/Schott) was reportedly a Palatine emigrant.
While on patrol in April 1780, James Patterson with “William Morris Thos. Upton and James Strond…met with a party of 7 or 8 Indians who was making their way into the settlement that they fired at each other when the Indians soon retreated without doing any damage with the exceptions of wounding Strond…” After reporting back to Captain Hamilton, Patterson was “with 7 or 8 others was ordered out to meet a company from the big Levels of Greenbrier to go in persuit of the Indians“; however, “the company from the Levils failed in coming” Paterson returned to his garrison and “lerned the Indians had been in the neighbourhood and killed James Monday took his wife and child into captivity and after traveling about four miles killed and skelped the child [Apr 1780] – they also at this time wounded Samuel McClung…“[88]
The last Indian raid near Jarrett’s Fort took place in 1780 when “several Indians and a white man” attached the farm of Thomas Griffith (Elizabeth Mary Jarrett’s father?) “near the mouth of Griffith’s Creek, which empties into the Greenbrier River about a mile west of the town of Alderson…” . Although the alarm had gone out, Thomas Griffith “being a very brave man, declined to go into the fort” and was “shot dead” when Indians attacked after surveilling his cabin “for some days for their opportunity…” Thomas Griffith’s wife “turned over a bee gum and the Indians, being afraid of bees,” fled with Thomas Griffith’s son as a hostage. Led by Captain Ben Morris, ten men (including James H. Miller) from the nearby “fort on the Greenbrier” pursued the Indians and rescued the boy after shooting two of the Indians that had been left guarding their prisoner.[89]
Since Margaret “Polly” Gerrad was under the age of 21 (she was 18-19 years old), her father David Garrad signed his consent “to the Marrige of My Daughter Margret Garred to John Sea” in Greenbrier County (Virginia) on August 31, 1780. On the following day (September 1, 1780), Frederick See’s son John See and his brother George See posted the bond for the marriage of John See to Margaret Garrard in Greenbrier County, Virginia.[90] The following Sunday (September 3, 1780), Baptist minister John Alderson Jr married “John See with Margrat Garrat.” Although the location of the wedding was not recorded, the marriage likely was conducted following the Sunday service at the father’s home (Fort Jarrett) as the Greenbrier Baptist Church would not be organized until 1781; and the log church would not be built until 1784.[91]
Colorized copy of the hand written consent of David Garrad for the marriage of his 18-19 year-old daughter Margaret Garrad (photocopy provided by Sara Patton).
On January 29, 1781, the militia leaders of Greenbrier County (Andrew Donnally, Samuel Brown & Andrew Hamilton) responded to Virginia’s Governor Thomas Jefferson’s December 24 order that “137 Men of the Militia of this Countv shou’d forthwith be raised” and “sent to the County of Kentucky to join Col° Clarke, and ferve under lim this ensuing Summer, on an Expedition against the Indians…” The leaders explain that such a “large a number out of a Militia scarcely 550 strong, ying in a County exposed to the daily inroads of the Indians, fill us with much uneasiness about the dangers we are like to suffer, from this weakening of our Militia…when we find that by an Act of Assembly we are to furnish 34 Men more for the Continental Army. It is with the utmost reluctance we address ourselves to your Excellency on this occasion (at a time when the necessities of the State require the utmost exertion of its members in its defence) to request that you will prolong the Term in which we are to furnish sd recruits, ’til the return of our Militia from Col’ Clarke, or at least ’til such time as they have got into the Indian Country, & may have drawn their attention to his operations.“[92]
On March 3, 1781, “a Party of Indians came to the house of William Week, living at the mouth of Indian Creek, which empties into New River in this County, & took him & his Family Prisioners…a party of men belonging to Capt: Wood’s Company happen’d to be…in the neighborhood in order to march to join the Troops, who are to serve under Genl: Clarke, these with some of the Neighbors, pursued the Indians, & after a Continued march of near fifty miles, they came up with them; Killed one Indian and wounded several; recovered all the Prisioners…“[93] On September 19, 1781, Colonel Andrew Donnelly advised the governor of Virginia that “in accordance with instructions from the late Governor, he held a Court Martial” against “delinquents…few in number” that had been “ordered to join Genl: Clarke’s Expedition against the Indians” condemning them as “Six months men“; along with ordering them “to report at the Rendezvous at once…” In addintion, Donnelly reported “some of Major Hamilton’s men have deserted, and he himself had returned, so that the services of the militia from Greenbrier, under that officer had amounted to nothing.“[94]
On September 19, 1781, a “Petition of Settlers on the Great Kanawha River in the County of Greenbrier” stated “that during the time a Garrison was maintained at Fort Randolph (at mouth of Great Kanawha River), your Petitioners” were “emboldened by the Protection thereof, had taken up and settled themselves on sundry Plantations on the Great Kanawha, above the said Station..” However, since “the withdrawing of the Troops stationed at Fort Randolph…they were thro’ fear of the Indians obliged to abandon and leave desolate, to the great loss and detriment of your Petitioners and to the no less prejudice of the Inhabitants of this County in general, as they thereby lost a Barrier, which in a great measure covered their frontiers…” They added “that they are determined to return to their aforesaid Habitations and propose in the first place to Erect a Station on the mouth of Elk River for the Protection of themselves and Families, and only request of Government that a Lieutenant and 30 men of the Militia of Green Brier County may be stationed there for our assistance.” The petition was signed by “James Hugart, James Thompson, James Smyth, James Hugart Jnr, Samuel Varner, John Viney, Mich’l See, Peter Vanbiber, John Osborne, John Vanbiber, James McCay, Wm Blake, John Jones , John Piper, David Williams, John Dyer, John Patton, Herbert Miller, John McFerren, Andrew McFarran, Patrick Murphy, William Hugart, Daniel McDowell, Andrew Donnally, Charles Gromer, John Williams, William Dunn, Thomas Ellis, John McCaslin, Will Hamilton, David McCoy, John Patterson, W.H. Cavendish, James Jarrett, James Kitchen, Wm Dyer, Wm Jones, Peter Shoemaker, Shadrach Hareman, George Malham, Charles McClung, Joseph McClung, Thomas Cooper, James Hewstan, Simon Akers, Jacob Lockhart, Richard Williams, Joseph Claypole, Sam McGanaugh John Rogers, Sam McClung, John Harris, Leonard Cooper, John Archer, James Jordon, Arch Smethers, Thomas Teas, William Craige, James Patterson, James Flinn, John Bellew, Charles Howard, Will Fullerton, Thomas Hoof, John Graham, Sampson Archer, John Lewis, Spencer Cooper, Leonard Morris.“[95]
In September 1781, the following Greenbrier militiamen reported they had provided their own “Rations while on Duty“: Samuel McClung, James Jarrett, Leonard Cooper, Charles McClung, Peter Thomaker (Shoemaker?), Wilson Lewis, Thomas Carroway, William Scott, George Sea, Michell (Michael) Sea, Jesse Jarrett, John Hermaker (Shoemaker?), Simon Cooper, John Griffith, John Griffith, John Jones, Leonard Morris, Jonathan Windsor, John Viney, Jesse Osborn, Thomas Griffith, Thomas Kenney, Richard Humphreys, John Morris, William Brady, William Morris, Rueben Childers, Joseph Castiel, Conrad Yolkom, George Whealey, James Paterson, James Kitchen, George Yolkom, John Kelly, John Harman, James Stawd, Ephraim Claypoole, David Kenney, Martin Kyson, John Hardy, William Griffith, John Vanbiber, John Hutchison, Joseph Ellison, William Hutcheson, Samuel Hutcheson, Adam Carpenter, Jesse Ellison, Bou? Estill, David Carlile, David Kehoe, John Cook, Henry Cook, Philip Hammond, and James Dillon (see below). Similarly, “in Oct 1781” the following Greenbrier militiamen reported they had provided their own “Rations while on Duty“: James Graham, Peter Vanbiber, Peter VanBiber Jr, David Hanna, William Vest, Joseph Butler, Peter Butler, Elijah Breedon, Benjamin Cotton, James Green, William Graham, John Vanbiber, Isaac Taylor, John Butler, William Davis, William Griffith, George Alderson, Owen Jarret, John Swobe, John Dixson, David Jarret, Alexander Hall, Edward Hall, James Scaggs, John Scaggs, John See, Adam See, John Shepard, George Robison, Samuel Givens, Barret McCarren (?), John Allison, and Thomas Taze (see below). [96]
Colorized copies of the original scanned pages 6-9 in the Revolutionary War Public Service Claims Commissioner’s Book 3.
Unfortunately, a review of the Revolutionary War Pension applications did not reveal a consensus of the nature of the militia duty in September or October of 1781. Although there was some inconstancies (likely due to old age), Peter Vanbibber (Jr) stated that “…during his second tour he marched from Grimes Station to Botetourt town, in Botetourt County from thence to Roanoke to Neely’s Mills from thence to a place the name of which he has forgotten, from thence he marched direct to Yorktown where he remained and was at the surrender of Lord Cornwallis…” while under the command of “Captain James Grimes, Lieutenant John Hall, & Ensign Samuel Campbell…“[97] Curiously, there was a “Captain Jarrett” (William Jarrett?) that led a company of Virginia Militia from Berkeley County (Virginia) in 1781 that had marched to the Siege of the British under General Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown (Virginia); and subsequently discharged in Winchester (Frederick County, Virginia).[98] The siege of Yorktown began on September 28, 1781; and ended with the surrender of General Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown (Virginia) on October19, 1781.
On August 13, 1782, John Shoumaker (Peter Shoemaker relative?) was married to Elizabeth Youlekem (Yoakum) by Reverend John Alderson Jr in Greenbrier County, Virginia. On June 18, 1783, David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr’s daughter Hannah Garrad was married to William Hicks by Reverend John Alderson Jr in Greenbrier County, Virginia.[99]
On December 7, 1784, David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr’s daughter Elisabeth Garrat was married to Willis Morris (William Morris Sr’s sonAchillis Morris) by Reverend John Alderson Jr in Greenbrier County, Virginia. On April 24, 1785, the widowed David Garrat was married to Susanah Hicks (William Hicks’ sister) by Reverend John Alderson Jr in Greenbrier County, Virginia. On July 22, 1785, Peter VanBibber’s son Peter Venbebber (Jr) was married to Valentine “Felty” Yoakum’s daughter Sarah Yolkecome by Reverend John Alderson Jr in Greenbrier County, Virginia. On May 22, 1788, James Jarret’s daughter Magrat Garrot was married to Levi Morris (William Morris Sr’s son) by Reverend John Alderson Jr in Greenbrier County, Virginia. On July 19, 1788, David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr’s daughter Mary Garrat was married to Peter Likins (Andrew Lykins & Ann Gerrad’s son) by Reverend John Alderson Jr in Greenbrier County, Virginia. On November 12 (?), 1788, James Jarret’s daughter Nancy Garrat was married to Benjamin Morris (William Morris Sr’s son) by Reverend John Alderson Jr in Greenbrier County, Virginia.[100]
Two of Daniel Boone sons married VanBibber cousins. John VanBibber’s daughter Choe VanBibber married Daniel Boone’s son Jesse Bryan Boone in Boonesboro (Madison County, Kentucky) in September 1790; and Peter VanBibber’s daughter Olive VanBibber married Daniel Boone’s youngest son Nathan Boone in Kentucky on September 26, 1799.[101]
On June 28, 1792, David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jr’s son “David Jarret” and “Kelus Morris” posted the bond for the “marriage shortly intended to be had & Solemnized between the above bound David Jarret and Jane Graham” (Colonel James Graham’s daughter) in Botetourt County, Virginia. The bond was signed “David Garred” and ? Moris (William Morris Sr’s son Achilles Morris?).[102] On October 16, 180?, James Jarrett’s daughter Betsy Jerritt married John Jones’s son William Jones in Greenbrier County, Virginia. James Jarrett signs as bondsmen and is proven by the oath of David Jarritt (David Gerrad (Jarrett) Jror James Jarrett’s son).[103] On November 12, 1800, James Jarrett’s daughter Leah Jaratt was married to Colonel James Graham’s son James Graham (Jr) by Reverend John Alderson Jr in Greenbrier County, Virginia.[104]
Research notes of Sara Patton: “No documentation has been found for first or maiden name of James‘ first wife or their marriage date….While most of the family histories list her name as Elizabeth Griffith or Griffey, Griffy, at least 2 different biographical articles name her as “Polly” Griffith, a nickname for Mary. The articles…Laidley, “History of Charleston and Kanawha Co, VA/WV” p. 549.; “History of Greenbrier County” BY J. R. Cole Lewisburg, WV 1917 p. 327-328…“
“Surveyd for John See 250 acres of Land in Augusta County lying on the West Side of Green Beire River at aplace Called Deep Spring…” on October 21, 1751.
“Surveyd for John Robinson 200 acres of Land in Augusta County…Lying on the west Side of Greenbrier River Beginning at a white oak corner to Michel See and south…” on May 2, 1751. “Surveyd for John Robinson Esq 480 acres of Land in Augusta County…Lying on the East side of Muddy Creek a Branch of Greenbrier River…” on October? 22, 1750 (assigned to Frederick See?). “Surveyd for John Robinson Esq 375 acres of Land in Augusta County…Lying on the East Side of Muddy Creek Beginning at a Hicory on the Creek Bank Corner to another tract of Land ? ? Felty Yockams…” on April 25, 1751. “Surveyd for John Robinson Esq 330 acres of Land in Augusta County…Lying on the Forks of Muddy Creek at the Buffalo Lick…” on April 24, 1751 (assigned to Matthais Yockham?).
“Surveyd for John Robinson Esq 360 acres of Land in Augusta County…Lying between the lower End of the Great Glade and Sinking Creek Valley Beginning at three ? on the top of aHill Corner to Michel Sees Land and with his line…” on May ?, 1751 (assigned to George See?). “Surveyd for John Robinson Esq 480 acres of Land in Augusta County…Lying on the West side muddy Creek Beginning at two ? on the Bank of sd Creek…to Felty Yockams…” on October? 22, 1750. “Surveyd for John Robinson Esq 130 acres of Land in Augusta County…Lying on the West side muddy Creek Beginning at…on the Bank of Creek a little before Felty Yockams corner…” on April 24, 1751.
Research note: Did John Robinson assign the similarly surveyed land tracts to Frederick See, George See, & Matthias Yoakum?
“From a list of Surveys made for the Green Bryer Company, filed in November, 1782, in Augusta, by Mr. Lewis…1750.November 22nd, Felty Yockham…480“; “1752.April 22nd, Frederick See…480“; 1751 “April 24th, Mathias Yockham…330” with note that name was later spelled “Yolkcom“; 1751 “May 1st, Geo. See joining Arch. Clendenning…360“; and 1751 “October 21st, John See, now Days at Deep Spring…250“.
“…John See, Michael Motes, Patrick Smith killed, Moses Mann were listed on the “Register of those killed or captured by Indians between 1754-1758.” The entry immediately before showed Robt Looney Jr. and a Dutchman killed at Reed Creek though no location is given for John, et. al. Since no other location is listed, it is assumed it was also Reed Creek, a branch of the New River. (Draper Mss 1QQ83 -A contemporary handwritten list entitled “A Register of the Persons Who have Been either Killed, Wounded or taken Prisoner by the Enemy, in Augusta county, as also such as have Made their Escape.” The list includes numerous names of those killed or taken prisoner on the VA frontier from October 1754 to May of 1758. The published transcription of this list incorrectly transcribed John See’s name as John Lee.“
“The name of Mrs. Johnson’s father was Frederick See, an uncle of my wife. He, with a brother-in-law and a few other families, had moved at an early day and settled on Greenbriar, a branch of the Great Kanawha, in the interval of peace between the Indians and whites. In those days, the Indians were at war with each other. The war trace at that time, between the northern and southern tribes, was along the south branch of Potomac, and through the Greenbriar settlement. In a time of peace between the whites and Indians, one of those large war parties, seventy or eighty in number, that had been in the habit of traveling back and forth, came and encamped several days on Mr. See’s place, and appeared to be in a kind of frolic. Mr. See, notwithstanding their pretended friendship, expressed over and again to his family his fears of their evil design; and to win their favor as much as possible, he killed a fine hog for them, gave them bread and other things they wanted. His kindness however availed nothing. When the preconcerted time came for the blow to be struck, it fell first on his own head; and as the common mode of Indians is to make the declaration of war, not with the pen, but with the hatchet, so it was done in this case. Mr. See had a large family; several daughters grown, or nearly so, and one married, with a first child at her breast. Several Indians one day entered the house in a friendly manner as usual, and at a certain signal drove their tomahawks into the heads of the old gentleman and his son-in-law, and made prisoners of all the balance of the family. The blood of the father fell on the head and face of a little son, who was at the time fondling on him. The Indians, not wishing to kill the boy, on seeing him so bloody, were fearful he might be hurt, took him up, carried him to the creek, and washed him, and found that he was safe. The Indians had divided, and while this tragedy was going on many other families near by were sharing the same fate.“
“After committing what other depredations their savage minds dictated, they gathered their prisoners and booty together and set out for their town. There were several women among the prisoners who had young children at their breasts, all of which, contrary to their common custom, the Indians had spared. Mrs. Johnson said that her sister pressed her babe to her breast, and bore her long and speedy march with great fortitude; hoping, but as the sequel will show hoping in vain, that fortune might yet favor her with a speedy exchange, or with relief in some other way, and that she would still be blessed with a descendent of him most near and dear to her; but of this great blessing, the hope of which she had so fondly cherished, she had the excruciating mortification to be deprived. The day before they reached the Indian town, the Indians took all the young children and in the most barbarous manner killed them, leaving their bodies in the woods to be devoured by the first carnivorous animal that might find them. After this, Mrs. Johnson said, her sister’s life appeared to be a burthen to her, and she did every thing in her power to provoke the Indians to kill her, making several attempts to kill some of them; but they kept so close a watch on her, that she never could effect it. She, however, lived through all this, and afterwards became the wife of William Robinson, before mentioned. Soon after getting to the towns, the prisoners were divided and put into different families, the women to hard drudging and the boys to run wild with the young Indians, to amuse themselves with bow and arrow, dabble in the water, or obey any other notion their wild natures might dictate. Having lost or misplaced a journal I kept at the time, I cannot now remember the length of time these unfortunate families were detained as prisoners. It was, however, some years, when peace was again restored, and an exchange of prisoners took place. These families were collected by some of their friends, who were in attendance, and set out with them to their native homes.“
“The female part of the families left the towns with great cheerfulness, but the boys, and especially the younger ones, had become so completely Indian, that they had to be forced away from their Indian playmates; and a close watch had to be kept over them, and, notwithstanding all the vigilance they could apply, John See, a small boy, made his escape on the third night, evaded a vigilant pursuit, and made his way back to the towns, and was two years longer there before his friends succeeded in getting him away. Most of the See family were brought to the south branch and taken into the families of their friends; my father-in-law, Michael See, took charge of John when he was obtained, in addition to one of the others that he had previously taken. They were grown and gone to their father’s place, on Greenbriar, before I became acquainted with the family, but I have often heard my mother-in-law say that she never undertook such a task as it was to break in those wild Indian boys, and especially John; it was utterly impossible, she said, to keep clothes on them; in the summer season she did not attempt it, as it was worse than useless to do so, at least any more than shirts, and the strongest tow or hemp linen shirt that could be put on them, with the strongest kind of fastenings that could be applied at wristband and collar, would perhaps in an hour’s time be torn off them and thrown by, and they would be found swimming like wild ducks in the river, or wallowing naked in the sand beaches on the shores; and in their melancholy moments they would often be heard to exclaim, in all the apparent agonies of distress, “0! my Innies, my Innies!” (meaning Indians.) It took a number of years to root out this attachment, and indeed it was thought by a part of their friends that some of the boys carried remnants of it to their graves. And this among many thousands of other similar occurrences, is a strong proof of the correctness of the old adage, that ‘It is easy to make an Indian out of a white man, but hard, if not impossible, to make a white man out of an Indian, or even to reclaim a white man after being converted into an Indian.’“
“The Indians breaking out again in 1763 came up the Kanawha in a large body to the number of sixty and coming to the house of Frederick See on Muddy Creek were kindly entertained by him and Felty Yolkcom ; not suspecting their hostile design were suddenly killed & their famileys, with many others made prisoners; then proceeding over the mountain they came to Archibald Clendenens, who like Sea & Yolkcom, entertained them until they put him to death, his family with a number of others living with him being all made prisoners or killed, not one escaping except Conrad Yolkcom who doubting the design of the Indians when they came to Clendenens took his horse out under the pretense of hobbleing him at some distance from the house — soon after some guns were fired at the house and a loud cry raised the people, whereupon Yolkcom taking the alarm mounted his horse and rode off as far as where the Court House now stands, and there beginning to ruminate whether he might not be mistaken in his apprehension, concluded to return and know the truth but just as he came to the corner of Clendenen’s fence some Indians placed there, presented their guns and attempted to shoot him, but their guns all missing fire (he thinks at least ten) he immediately fled to Jackson’s River alarming the people as he went, but few were willing to believe him, the Indians pursued after him and all that fell in their way were slain until they went on Carrs Creek now in Rockbridge County, so much were people in them days intimidated by an attack of the Indians that they suffered to retreat with their Booty, and more prisoners than there was Indians in their party.“
Research notes of Sara Patton: Family tradition shared by Charles Michael See (of Alma, IL) with TJJ See and published in “The Records of the See Family of Virginia” by TJJ See in 1913. A note of caution in reading this book as it includes information that has been proven to be incorrect.
[26] “Indian Captives Release by Colonel Bouquet” by William S. Ewing (Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine, Volume 39, Fall 1956, Pages 187-203 [List G]).
In 1887, John’s grandson, Rev. Michael See, wrote the following to Charles Michael See of Alma, Illinois. “…in reference to my grandfather being kept a year longer, he said he was adopted in an Indian Family that had lost a child and they told him that if the whites should get him they would burn him and he believed it, so when the company came and demanded the prisoners they got Grandfather and the rest of the family except his sister Elizabeth. They got nine miles that first day and that night as Grandfather was lying between two of his sisters he crept out and ran back to his old Indian Mother. They got him the next year.” and published in “The Records of the See Family of Virginia” by TJJ See in 1913.
The original Mathews Trading Post Ledger (1771-1784), Day Book (1771-1773); and a copy of the Daybook (1771-1781), are maintained at the Greenbrier Historical Society in Lewisburg, West Virginia.
[34] Frontier Community Defense of Monroe and Summers Counties, West Virginia by W. Stephen McBride, Ph.D. and Kim Arbogast McBride, Ph.D., Page 26 (Figure 29).
[36] “The Mathews Trading Post” by Harry E. Handley (Journal of the Greenbrier Historical Society, Volume 1, No. 1, [August 1963]) – need to verify; “The Mathews Trading Post Ledger, 1771-1779” (Journal of the Greenbrier Historical Society Volume IV, No. 4 [1984]) – need to verify; (seehttps://genealogytrails.com/wva/greenbrier/mathewstradingpost.html).
“Capt. Jarrett, whose descendants now live in Greenbrier — Hon. Hickman Jarrett being one of them, now living at Blue Sulphur Springs — built the fort on Wolf Creek known as the Wolf Creek, or Jarrett’s Fort. Jarrett’s Fort is reported to have been on the Greenbrier side of Greenbrier River, and was therefore in Summers County at Newman’s Ferry.” (this is the incorrect location)
[39] “The Mathews Trading Post” by Harry E. Handley (Journal of the Greenbrier Historical Society, Volume 1, No. 1, [August 1963]) – need to verify; “The Mathews Trading Post Ledger, 1771-1779” (Journal of the Greenbrier Historical Society Volume IV, No. 4 [1984]) – need to verify; (seehttps://genealogytrails.com/wva/greenbrier/mathewstradingpost.html).
[40] Frontier Community Defense of Monroe and Summers Counties, West Virginia by W. Stephen McBride, Ph.D. and Kim Arbogast McBride, Ph.D., Pages 18-19.
The Proclamation of 1754 declared that 200,000 acres would be set aside on the Ohio River for the officers and men who voluntarily served in the expedition to the Monongahela that year. Later, the Royal Proclamation of 1763 instructed American colonial governors to award veterans of the French and Indian War tracts of western land ranging from fifty to 5,000 acres, depending on rank. However, since the same proclamation also closed western lands beyond the Appalachian Mountains to settlement, none of the Virginia veterans received their bounty land for a decade after the war. On December 15, 1769, George Washington first petitioned the Virginia governor and council on behalf of the officers and soldiers of the Virginia Regiment of 1754 for the land promised.
“Virginia Kanawha County, to wit–On this 15th day of January 1833 personally appeared in open court before Lewis Summers Judge of the Circuit Superior court of Law & Chancery for the County of Kanawha afores’d John Jones a resident of the said County aged seventy seven years eleven months & thirteen days, who being first duly sworn according to law doth on his oath make the following declaration in order to obtain the benefit of the act of Congress passed June 7th 1832– That in the year 1773 he and two others commenced an improvement or settlement on the great Kanawha river in the County of Greenbriar [sic: Greenbrier] & State of Virginia (now Kanawha County) [now in West Virginia] about seventy miles west of the frontier inhabitants of the State of Virginia but in the spring of 1774 they were driven from their [illegible word] & compelled by the incursions of the indians, to take refuge among the inhabitants of Greenbriar County on Muddy Creek – that he immediately volunteered as a soldier under Capt. Mathew Arbuckle, to aid in building a fort [Fort Arbuckle] on Muddy Creek, & to guard the inhabitants against the incursions of the indians– That afterwards in the fall of the year 1774 he volunteered under the same Capt Arbuckle, who raised a company to march against the western Indians in lord Dunmores campaigne. That Capt. Arbuckle’s company joined the division of the Army under the command of General Lewis, and marched with that division of the army to the mouth of the great Kanawha river at Point Pleasant, where a severe engagement ensued between a part of the army of Gen’l Andrew Lewis and a large body of Indians. This applicant entered into the battle at its commencement and continued without interruption in the middle of the engagement until its termination fighting from sunrise until late in the evening, before the Virginia forces succeeded in routing their savage adversaries– This bloody and hard fought battle took place on the 10th of October 1774 – This applicant further states that about the middle of September 1776 he enlisted as a regular soldier under Capt Mathew Arbuckle at the mouth of the great Kanawha river, then Greenbrier County and about one hundred & fifty miles west of the inhabited part of that County. The other officers of Capt. Arbuckle Company the applicant believes were Andrew Wallace first Leiutenant, William Woods 2nd Lieutenant & John Galligher ensign – That the soldiers composing that Company erected a fort at the mouth of said Kanawha river [Fort Randolph at Point Pleasant], and continued there during the [words illegible] of the year 1776 and until the close of the year 1777, when this applicant received a written discharge from Capt. Arbuckle, and returned to the inhabited part of the County of Greenbrier– That he hath lost or mislaid said discharge so as to be unable to produce the same. That after he enlisted as afores’d this company of Capt. Arbuckle was reinforced at their station at Point Pleasant afores’d by the company of Capt. [William] McKee, which marched as the applicant believes from the County of Bottetourt [sic: Botetourt] Virginia. The other officers of that company were, he believes, William Moore & John Moore 1st & 2nd Lieutenants & James Gilmore ensign. The company of Capt McKee continued at Point Pleasant until the discharge of the applicant– During the period of his service at Point Pleasant, an attack was made upon the fort at Point Pleasant – by a body of Indians who being compelled to abandon the attack directed their march to Donnally’s fort situate about one hundred & fifty miles in the interior of the State and on the frontier of the inhabited part of the County of Greenbrier [near present Frankford] – Ascertaining that the Indians were marching against that part of the County, two bold and daring soldiers dressed in the savage costume, made their way through the wilderness, and apprised the inhabitants of their danger barely in time to save them from total extermination. That after the discharge of the applicant as afores’d and his return to the inhabited part of the County of Greenbrier at the close of the year 1777, he was at the beginning of the year 1778 employed and he believes under the authority of the State of Virginia as an Indian Spy, at the rate of one dollar per day, but without rations clothing or munitions of war, the applicant furnishing these for himself. That the distance he was employed to act as a spy was between sixty & seventy miles, & immediately west of the inhabited part of the County of Greenbrier afores’d – That he continued to act as a spy for the period of two years beginning as afores’d in the early part of the year 1778 and quitting at the beginning of the year 1780– That William Morris Leonard Morris and John Patterson were spies with him during the same period, the two first of whom died in the County of Kanawha, and whether the latter still survives is unknown to the applicant. This applicant resided in the County of Greenbrier from the year 1773 until the establishment of the County of Kanawha out of the western part of it [in 1788], since which time until the present period he has resided in the County of Kanawha– He has no record of his age, but is satisfied it is correctly given as herein before stated – He cannot state with precision the character of his engagements under Capt. Arbuckle, whether he belonged to the Virginia Continental line State volunteers or Virginia Rangers. He knows however that in Lord Dunmores expedition he was a volunteer, and that when he engaged as afores’d, in 1776 a second time in the service and was stationed at Point Pleasant…” Signed John Jones.
“State of Missouri Marion County…On this twelfth day of February 1835 personally appeared before John A Cobb one of the Justices of the peace in & for the County of Marion George See a resident of the said County of Marion in the State of Missouri aged seventy-nine years who being first duly sworn according to law, doth on his oath make the following declaration in order to obtain the benefit of the provisions made by the Act of Congress passed June 7th 1832. That he enlisted in the Army of the United States in he thinks the year 1776 and served in the Army of the United States under the following named officers, he was enlisted by Captain Matthew Arbuckle & Served in his Company which was stationed at Point Pleasant at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa [[Kanawha] River, that he lived in the County of Greenbrier Virginia when he enlisted, that he served out the complete term of his enlistment to it for one-year. This deponent further states that he served under the same Arbuckle in 1774 [?] & was in the battle of Point Pleasant on Big Kanawha in which we lost 173 men killed & wounded and Indians in plenty. This Deponent states that he does not recollect to what Regiment if any he was attached during his service in 1776, his officers besides Arbuckle who commanded the Fort, were Lieutenant Andrew Wallace, Ensign Samuel Walker, Sergeant John Bowens, I know of none of the Soldiers or officers now living or if so where they may be residing – who served with me except my brother John See who resides at or near Flat Rock Indiana & John Kipper who resides in Monroe County in this State whose deposition I have obtained. This deponent further states that during the service for which he claims a pension he was stationed at the Fort in garrison, was engaged in no battle, nor marches. He hereby relinquishes every claim.” Signed George See (with his mark)
“On this twenty first day of march 1838 Frances Jones of the County of Kanawha and widow of the late John Jones a Revolutionary Soldier personally appeared before me in my said County of Kana. anged seventy-eight years, and unable to attend a Court of Record, who being first duly sworn according to Law, Doth on her oath make the following Declaration in order to obtain the benefit of the Act of Congress passed June the 7th 1832. That she was married to John Jones in the year 1775 on the seventeenth day of November ,and in the County of Culpepper [sic] Virginia, and the next spring 1776 she emigrated to the County of Greenbrier, that her husband John Jones while on a visit to the Point Pleasant he inlisted under Capt. Arbuckle, and that she accompanied him to that place where she remained untill the fall of 1777 – and she does not know whether her husband John Jones was discharged at that time or not, that she then moved to this place where she now lives in Kanawha Co., fifty two years ago.“
“…Jane Hansford after being duly sworn, makes the following statement. That she has know John Jones & Frances Jones his wife for about sixty years, and that when I first saw them, Frances Jones had one child at that time…Question, Who was she before she married John Jones…Answer, Her name was Frances Morris & was my father’s sister…“
“Mediapolis (Iowa) Feb. 24 1897…Mrs. Hayes dear fried you must excuse me for not riting sooner my heath (sic) has been vary poore, during the winter have been trobled with the grip you wished me to rite what I know about our ancestors my greate grand father Frederick See killed in Green Brier Co Va in an erly day and he and his sone in law was killed by the Indians and the whole family was taken prisoners and kept at a place called Oldtown near Chillicothe in Ohio. he had 3 sons George Michael and John my grand Father and some three or four daughters all got back the first year except my grandfather and his sister Elizabeth Grand father got back in two year (sic) and Elizabeth in 9 years George his older brother moved to Missouri and raised his family there Michael was kiled (sic) by the Indians in Va in Kanawa county Grand father See was raised by his uncle Adam See and when he was 18 years old he enlisted in the reglar army and was five years in the revolutionary ware and was in 3 battls first german town near Philladelhy Monmouth in New Jersey and storming the stona point He married Grand Mother after he returned from the ware her name was Margaret Garred he then moved to Kanawa county now western va and their (sic) they raised their family Their first sone was unkle George See died in Illinois The second sone was David See he died in Indiana. The next was aunt polley your greate grand mother who married unkle John Nugen in Va. They rased their family in Wayne Co Indiana. The next was uncle Jarred See and he died in Kentucky. The next was my father Charles See he died in Mosaurie. The next uncle John See he died in Iowa. Uncle Michael died in Indiana. Aunt Hannah Pryer died in Iowa and Aunt Betsa Ellis died in the north part of Indiana They all lived to a grand olde age except unkle Michael Grand Mother See died in Kosaosco co. Indiana Grand Father See died in Macon Co Illinois he was blind seven years before he died he was a good olde man he always called me Michael Now I have told you about the See family I knew but little about the Nugen family that is the ancestors and also the Rector family yur grand mothers family relations Now come and see us and I can tell you more about the(sic) our ancestors of our friends my health is not very good Iam quite lame trobled with rumatism I was 80 years olde the 22 of this month My love to you and Mr. Hayes…Yours truly /s/ Michael See“
John See: “State of Indiana Henry Circuit Court: In the Henry Circuit Court September Term 1832… On this 29th of September in the year 1832 appeared before the Honorable the Henry Circuit Court (it being a Court of Record) in the State of Indiana, John See aged 75 years who being duly sworn according to law deposeth and doth upon his oath make the following declaration in order to obtain the benefit of the provisions of the act of the 7th of June 1832. That he Enlisted in the Army of the United States in the year 1776 under Captain Abuckle [sic, Arbuckle?] in Greenbrier County Virginia for the term of one year for the purpose of defending the western frontier of Virginia from the incursions of the hostile Indians. He was then marched to the mouth of the Kenhawa [sic, Kanawha River] where they remained for nearly twelve months and in the meantime they erected a fort at the mouth of the said Kanawha and was discharged in September 1777 having served one year. That he thinks it was in the year 1779 he Enlisted in the Army of the United States for the term of three years in Bottetourt [sic, Botetourt] County Virginia under Captain Lapsely in the 12th Virginia Regiment in General Scott’s Brigade, from thence he joined the main Army at a place called West Camps in Pennsylvania under the command of General Washington. He then went into Winter quarters at Valley Forge, at this time your applicant was under the command of Captain Brackenridge, from Valley Forge the main Army was marched to Monmouth, New Jersey, where a battle was fought [June 28, 1778] where your applicant engaged with the Rest of the Army. The Army was then marched to White Plains, they returned to New Jersey and went into winter quarters in Middlebrook. During the next Winter the Army encamped on the North River and your applicant was discharged the next Spring at Camden, South Carolina, having served three years. During this service he was in the battle of Monmouth under General Washington, at Stony Point [July 16, 1779] under General Wayne, in Germantown [October 4, 1777] under General Washington and the aforesaid John See, the applicant aforesaid Relinquished Every Claim whatsoever to a pension or Annuity Except the present and he declares that his name is not on the pension Roll of any Agency in any State or territory in the United States…Sworn and subscribed in open Court this 29th day of Sept. A.D. 1832.” Signed John See (with his mark).
Peter VanBibber Jr: “State of Indiana Ripley County…On this 11th day of November in the year of our Lord 1833 personally appeared in open Court before the Honorable Henry B Hukill sole Judge of the Ripley County Probate Court now sitting Peter Vanbibber a resident of the County of Ripley and State of Indiana aged seventy-six years who being first duly sworn according to law doth on his oath make the following declaration in order to obtain the benefit of the act of Congress passed June the 7th 1832. He entered the service of the United States under the following named officers and served as herein stated. In the month of October A.D. 1775 he entered the service as a volunteer and served under Colonel James Henderson, Major Thomas Quirk and Captain Matthew Arbuckle (the rest of his company officers he has forgotten). He left the service in the month of June A.D. 1777 after serving faithfully the most part of the time as and Indian spy for one year and eighteen months. He then afterwards in the month of November A.D. 1780 entered the service as a substitute for one John Dixon and served for ten months, nine under Colonel Luke Boyer (Major’s name forgotten) Captain James Grimes Lieutenant John Hall & Ensign Samuel Campbell. He left the service in the month of September 1781 after serving faithfully for the ten months which added to his other term of eighteen months makes two years and four months. He then in the month of July 1782 was drafted for six months (and served five months only) under Colonel Luke Boyer, Major Thomas Quirk Captain James Grimes, Lieutenant Montgomery and Ensign Armstrong. He left the service in the month of December same year after serving faithfully the five months when he was discharged by Colonel Boyer. This third and last tour of five months added to his other two tours makes two years and nine months for which service he claims a pension. He resided at the time he entered the service and during the war in Greenbrier County Virginia. The first tour of eighteen months he volunteered, the second tour of ten months he served as a substitute, and the third and last tour of five months he was drafted. He was at the Battle of Point Pleasant [Fort Randolph] with the Indians where Colonel Lewis and a gentleman by the name of Fields were killed. He was also at the Battle of Donlays Fork and at the Surrender of Lord Cornwallis on the 19th October 1781 during the first tour he marched from Donlays station to Point Pleasant where he continued garrisoned for one year and 8 months except occasionally he was out on a scouting expedition, and in fact was looked upon as one serving in that capacity throughout all of the surrounding Country – at one time he was out for 3 weeks constantly with one Leonard Cooper and William Morris traversing the Forests for the purpose of watching the movement of the Indians who were prowling about that section of the Country – during his 3 weeks scout he marched from Donlays Station to Point Pleasant from thence to Patallico Creek from thence he went to Elk River from thence he crossed over to little [?], from thence to Muddy Creek, from thence to John Kenney’s Fort, from thence to Grimes Fort, from thence back to Donlays Station where he remained until he was discharged. During his second tour he marched from Grimes Station to Botetourt town, in Botetourt County from thence to Roanoke to Neely’s Mills from thence to a place the name of which he has forgotten, from thence he marched direct to Yorktown where he remained and was at the surrender of Lord Cornwallis. He was then discharged. During this 2nd tour he served also for some time at Grimes station, Donlays Station and at [?] station before he marched as he has just stated. During his 3rd and last tour he marched from Quins station (where he had also remained for some time) to Fort Chissel [Chiswell] – from thence he was sent with an express through the wilderness to General Clark [George Rogers Clark] at Fort Pitt, and when he was returning back to Grimes station he met his Major with some other officers who told him that the fighting was over and that he was discharged this accounts for his leaving the service one month before the time was up for which he was drafted. This was in the month of December 1782…He does not now remember any Continental Regiments or companies by name who served with the troops but is confident that there were many Regulars some part of the time with him. He has no written or documentary evidence, and he knows of no person living who can testify to his service. He hereby relinquishes any claim whatever to a pension or annuity except the present and he declares that his name is not on the pension Roll of the Agency of any State. Sworn to and subscribed the day and year aforesaid.” Signed Peter Van Ber
Michael Swope: “That he entered the service as an Indian Spy in the spring of the year 1776: that at the time he entered the Service as a Spy he was enrolled and mustered in a company of Militia commanded by Captain John Henderson and raised in that part of the State of Virginia which is now Monroe on Wolf Creek about sixteen miles from where he now resides; that at the termination of the cold weather and when the first signs of approaching spring and the putting forth of vegetation appeared some signs of Indians having been seen, the people becoming much alarmed in the neighborhood betook themselves to Cook’s Fort which was situated on Indian Creek about eight miles from where he now resides in about the same distance from where he then resided. The Settlers betook themselves to Cook’s Fort on the 1st of May in that year and he entered on the duties of an Indian Spy on the same day – and continued in Service the first of November following when cold weather coming on in all signs of Indians disappearing – the Settlers left the Fort and returned to their habitations. He was discharged from service during the winter having continued in service six months. He again commenced his duties as a Spy on the 15th day of April 1777 and continued in service as such until the first of November following when he was discharged having served that summer six months and a half: that he again entered the service as an Indian Spy on the 15th day of April 1778 and continued in service until the first of November following making a tour of six months and a half: and again on the first day of May 1779 he entered the service as an Indian Spy and was discharged on the first day of November following having performed a tour of six months Service that summer making in the whole term of service as an Indian Spy which he served his Country – two years and one month. The nature of his Services as an Indian Spy in each of the aforesaid years was to leave Cook’s Fort on Indian Creek descended said Creek to its mouth where it empties into New River and thence down New River to the mouth of Blue Stone, thence to Van-Bibbers Fort on Greenbrier River, and thence to Jarretts Fort on Wolf Creek, making a distance in going and returning of from thirty to thirty-five miles: that he was generally out from three to four days in each week, and sometimes longer if the danger or the intelligence from the Indians seemed to require it and some times when they saw signs of the Indians they would fligh [sic, fly?] from Fort to Fort and give the alarm so that preparations might be made for defensive operations by the people that were forted and that those who had ventured out to work their corn might betake themselves to the Fort before the Indians would attack them.“
Edward Hall: “That early in the spring of 1776 the said Hall being then about 15 or 16 years of age, and resident of Greenbriar County in the state of Virginia, was stationed with seven or eight families at fort Jarret, that there were in said families about 40 or 50 persons in all, that this applicant was fifteen or sixteen years of age in the month of May of said year, and although he did not belong to any organized Company, he was that summer constantly engaged as a soldier in guarding the fort and fields while the families were employed in the vicinity of the fort in cultivating their farms. That so soon as winter broke in 1777 he volunteered into a company of rangers commanded by Capt John Vanbiber [probably John Vanbeaver of Augusta County] of the Virginia Militia, of which company one James Graham was Lieutenant and John Hall was Ensign, the names of the inferior officers of his Company are not now recollected, but his company belonged to a Regt. commanded by Col. Donally of which Samuel Brown was Lieut Col. and Andrew Hamilton was Major. That the company to which this applicant belonged, like minute men, held themselves in constant readiness to march to repell invasions whenever called upon, their duty to be performed depending more upon sudden and unexpected calls from different settlements in the vicinity of the fort and upon the danger in which the frontier inhabitants considered themselves from Indian tribes inhabiting the teritory North west of the Ohio River than upon any organized system of Military operations. That in the Neighbourhood of fort Jarret and within 12 miles of the same there were three or four other forts all on the waters of Greenbriar river, and the forces to guard these forts being few in number and not well armed, Capt. Campbell of Bedford County came out to their relief, and distributed his men being about 40 in number among the aforesaid forts, of whom 10 or 12 were left at fort Jarret under the command of Lieut Abraham Sharp, these men being unacquainted with the country did not perform ranging duty, but remained as a guard at the fort while this applicant and his companions were almost constantly engaged in active service from early in the spring untill late in the Fall. That during the summer of 1777 this applicant in compay with a party of 8 or or ten other men from Ft. Jarret party was called to assist in the defence of fort Graham which had been attacked in which attack 3 of the family of Capt Graham had been killed and one taken prisoner. During this season the many Indian signs, and alarms which were discovered, and took place, while this applicant was acting as a spy and ranger kept the frontier settlements in constant commotion, but by the unremitting vigilance of the rangers the enemy were held in check and prevented from doing any mischief otherwise than as above stated, during the aforesaid season…That in the spring of 1778 he again volunteered and entered the service as spy and ranger under the captain aforesaid, and allarms being frequent and assistance often called for at different points on the waters of Greenbriar river during the summer of this year, this applicant was kept in continued service, and was called, among other tours performed, to the relief of Donley’s fort, about 15 miles from Jarret’s fort, the former having been attacked by a party of Northern Indians [sic: Fort Donnally near present Frankford WV, attacked by Shawnees on 29 May 1778]. This Applicant in company with about 10 other men belonging to the Ft. Jarret party arived at Donley’s fort about 2 days after the attack, the Indians had killed but one man, that soon after his party arrived, there were assembled nearly 200 men from the Country and different forts, with whom he joined and pursued the Indians about 20 miles to Suell Mountain [sic: Sewell Mountain], on the waters of New river, and on ariving at that place, not having discovered the Indians they were marched back to the forts; Who was the commander of this expedition he does not now recollect, but believes it was Colonel Brown. After the return from the aforesaid expedition the said Hall was kept in active service during the fall, and until winter set in and ended the probability of further invasion for that year. During this season there were no troops brought from the older settlements to the relief of the frontiers, & the time this year spent in the service was about Eight months. Alarms were this year frequent and the service laborious. Hostilities again ceased until the spring 1779 when he again volunteered under Captain James Graham who had been advanced from the rank of Lieut. to that of Capt. and was engaged as a ranger and spy and continued in such service during the two former years. In addition to the duties he performed in the fort in 1776 he was in actual service in 1777 – 78 & 79 at last 24 months…“
Joshua Roberts: “He entered the service of the United States of America in Bedford County Virginia a drafted private militia Soldier to serve a three months Tower [tour] he entered said service under a Captain Samuel Campbell in Bedford County Virginia the precise Time not remembered but he thinks it was in the month of August and about two or three years before the surrender of Cornwallis [October 19, 1781] he marched under said Captain to Jarrets Fort in Greenbrier County in Virginia where he remained in service at different forts in said County for three months the full time of his engagement had a written discharge from his Captain for a three months…“
“He was born in the County of Mansfield New Jersey and moved to the County of Greenbrier in the year 1771. That he entered the service of the United States under the following named officers as a spy against the Indians and served as herein stated; that in the year 1776 from the 1 of June to the first of November in said year he was engaged as a spy by Capt. John Henderson of the militia in the said County of Greenbrier and Lieutenant Estell. That he would leave Cooks fort on Indian Creek go through the mountains and examine the passes on new River and up lick Creek and cross over to a Fort on Muddy Creek which was called Keeney’s Fort and then home; and continued this kind of service and examination during the time before mentioned in order to give inteligence to the Forts if the Indians should cross New river and come into the Country; that he was some times at the Fort, but always in readiness and generally out on duty as a spy and his officers relied on him. No Indians came into the Settlement during those five months. In the year 1777 about the first of September the Indians came into the Country, that he as a spy, hearing of the murder of Steel Lafferty at the mouth of Indian Creek, took from Cooks Fort with him two men, and went as speedily as possible to Lafferty’s to save his family the distance was about 15 or 16 miles and arrived at the place in time to rescue them. The injury in this was not so great as in former years, and he was not on duty so frequently. In 1778 the Indians were very troublesome, being enraged at the death of their King Corn Stalk and others as friendly Indians at Point Pleasant; they came into the country burnt Farleys Fort on New River and attacked Donnelly’ Fort in the Levels of Greenbrier in the Spring of the year, (the month not recollected), that he was called on as a spy by Capt. Henderson and Lieutenant Estill, and continued for seven months; part of the time a man by the name of Boughman was with him, sometime Mathew Farley was with him, and some time a man by the name of Hamilton. They explored the Country between Indian Creek New river and Sewel mountain. The family of McKenny’s, John Day a man by the name of Cavender and others were killed. He did nothing that summer and fall except except to act as a spy, and was prevented from raising a crop for the support of his family; that in the year 1780 he was not called on; he was Forted below the mouth of Indian Creek. He and Matt Farley went out of the fort to get corn in the Field, the Indians fired at them, he was wounded and taken prisoner. He was taken on to the top of the blue Stone mountain, where they stopped to eat some meat, and continued about 15 miles until it was nearly dark. Some of the Indians were before and some behind him; he stopped pretending to tie his mocasin which which permitted those before to get a short distance on, he sprang off, down a steep hill – was pursued about half a mile, but escaped and got back to the fort next morning. In 1781 he was ordered out as a spy by Lieut. John Woods he thinks, on the 1 of march in that year. On the 3 of March the family of Meeks were taken prisoners on Indian Creek; that he with Woods and a small party pursued the Indians to the head of paint creek, which was about sixty miles through the wilderness towards Kentucky where they overtook them at a place now called the painted trees. The Indians were fired on in their camp, one was killed and others wounded; the prisoners were taken from them, some horses and all their tomahawks. During the summer and until the 1 of November he was at different times out examining the pass ways by which the Indians were accustomed to come into the Country, and was ordered to hold himself in readiness at all times as a spy, which he did. In 1782 and 1783 he voluntarily made many excursions in order to save the country from danger. In 1774 he volunteered to go from the Fort at Cooks on Indian Creek under Capt. John Henderson – joined Capt. Lewis and marched to Point Pleasant was in the battle at the point [Battle of Point Pleasant, 10 Oct 1774] in which 144 persons were killed and wounded He marched on to the Indian towns on the Sciota [sic: Scioto] River. He left home about the 1 of June and returned in November, the day he does not recollect. When he was acting as a spy he was allowed five shillings per day; that he received part of his pay, but not all.“
Daniel Davis: “…That in the year 1777 he entered into the Army of the United States as a malitia man under the command of Capt John Henderson as a volunteer & as a private soldier and on the first of Aprile they marched from the little levals [sic: Little Levels] in the County of Greenbrier then the County of Augusta and from thence we marched through a wilderness tract of Country to the mouth of the Great Kanawha. this declarant understood that the object of Col. Hendersons march to that place was to take possession of the Garrison at point pleasant in the place of Capt Westfalls [Abel Westfall’s] Company who immediately marched from said Garrison Eastwardly with a company of regular troops. This declarant further states that himself and ten or fifteen others were sent by Capt [Mathew] Arbuckle with crafts to meet Col. [John] Dickenson at the confluence of Elk and Kanawha rivers and their aided Col. Dickenson and Col. Skillion [sic: George Skilleren] to cross Elk river and then they brought their bagage down the Kanawha to point pleasant while the two Cols. aforesaid marched about five hundred miles more by land to point pleasant this declarent further states that he marched in company with the officers and soldiers from the mouth of Elk river to the Mud Camps[?] at which time eighty men went into a hollow sycamore at one time and this declarant constituded one of that number at that place this declarant left the troops aforesaid and returned to the Fort at point pleasant and some short time afterward the aforesaid trops arrived at said Fort and soon after their arrival Robert Gilmore one of their Leuteants was Killed by the Indians on the Lower and Westside of Kanawha River which circumstance led to the wanton and cruel murder of King Cornstock and his son Nipsico and then other Indians over whome this declarant was one of the Guard…“
Zedekiah Shumaker: “…The murder of Cornstalk so incensed the Shawnees, that they mustered all their strength, and in May of 1778 they attacked the fort at Point Pleasant killed one man Paddy Shearman and wounded James Gilmore. They besieged the fort for several days when finding they were unable to storm the fort or perish us out they killed all our stock of every kind, which they could see and supposing no one would dare leave the fort they informed the Grenadier Squaw, who was then in the fort and went out to see them that they were going to attack the forts and settlements in Greenbrier – Upon this information Capt. McKee offered that if any two men in the fort would equip themselves and follow the Indians, give the people of Greenbrier information of their danger that altho he could not discharge them, that he would so extend their furloughs as would be equal to a discharge. when two men Jno Intchminger [John Intchminger] and Jno Logan [John Logan] accepted the proposal, and started for Greenbrier, but they soon returned in great alarm, stating they could not pass the Indians. When they returned John Pryor a brother of William Pryor and Philip Hammond equipped themselves in Indian costume, followed the Indians, and passed them about the meadows within ten or twelve miles of Donnelleys fort [at present Frankford WV], where they arrived and gave information to the settlers. When they had been there forted but a few days the Indians surrounded and attacked said fort and a dreadful conflict ensued [28 May 1778]. It so happened at the time the Indians attacked said fort, that Capt Matthew Arbuckle was in Greenbrier on a visit to his family. he and a Capt Lewis, hearing that the Indians had arrived, and also hearing the firing at Donnelleys fort, they raised a company of men, forced their way into said fort and drove off the Indians. This defeat compelled them to abandon their expedition being dreadfully worsted, their ammunition expended, they returned to their towns…“
Jonathan Windsor:”That he enlisted in the militia of Virginia in the year 1778 under the Captain William Hamilton in the county of Greenbrier in said state, in the month of April, he thinks but possibly it might have been March, as a volunteer – Samuel Lewis being the Colonel of the county – Samuel McClung was Lieutenant of the company to which the declarant belonged and James Jarrett, ensign – That he continued in said company seven months or until about the first of November, receiving pay at fifteen pence, Virginia currency, per day, exclusive of rations. Receiving his discharge in November 1778, he took up his residence on the then frontier settlement of Greenbrier cultivating a small plantation for subsistence. During the said period of his service he was in no engagement – but the Indians, during that period made an attack upon Donnally fort, twelve miles north of Keeney’s Fort, at which this applicant and his company were stationed…”
Edward Hall:”…That in the spring of 1778 he again volunteered and entered the service as spy and ranger under the captain aforesaid, and allarms being frequent and assistance often called for at different points on the waters of Greenbriar river during the summer of this year, this applicant was kept in continued service, and was called, among other tours performed, to the relief of Donley’s fort, about 15 miles from Jarret’s fort, the former having been attacked by a party of Northern Indians [sic: Fort Donnally near present Frankford WV, attacked by Shawnees on 29 May 1778]. This Applicant in company with about 10 other men belonging to the Ft. Jarret party arived at Donley’s fort about 2 days after the attack, the Indians had killed but one man, that soon after his party arrived, there were assembled nearly 200 men from the Country and different forts, with whom he joined and pursued the Indians about 20 miles to Suell Mountain [sic: Sewell Mountain in present Fayette County], on the waters of New river, and on ariving at that place , not having discovered the Indians they were marched back to the forts…“
John Patterson: “…That on the first of April in the year 1780 he entered the servis under Capt Hamilton and served untill the first of September of the same year – and was stationed as before in Hamiltons Garrison that he recollects in the Spring of this year of going in company with William Morris Thos. Upton and James Strond and that they met with a party of 7 or 8 Indians who was making their way into the settlement that they fired at each other when the Indians soon retreated without doing any damage with the exceptions of wounding Strond – he in company with his companions returned to the Garrison to apprise the Garrison of the approach of the Indians – when they give the Intelligence – himself in company with 7 or 8 others was ordered out to meet a company from the big Levels of Greenbrier to go in persuit of the Indians – the company from the Levils failed in coming on and he returned to his Garrison when he lerned the Indians had been in the neighbourhood and killed James Monday took his wife and child into captivity and after traveling about four miles killed and skelped the child [Apr 1780] – they also at this time wounded Samuel McClung…“
[90] Greenbriar County (Virginia) Original Marriage Bonds (Greenbrier Historical Society); Research of Sara Patton for Margaret (Gerrad) See.
“The Greenbrier Marriage Bonds, now housed in the Greenbrier Historical Society, contains the father’s consent and marriage bond for the marriage of John See and Margaret “Garrard”, George See acting as bondsman. The bond is dated 1 Sept 1780, John signs with his mark +, George signs his name.” The consent reads…”These are to Cartyfe that I am Concenting to the Marrige of My Daughter Margret Garred to John Sea as witness My Hand this 31st Day of August 1780. Greenbrier County. (signed) David Garred“
“Know all men by these presents that we David Jarret, Kelus Morris are held & firmly bound unto Henry Lee Esquire Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia in the sum of fifty pounds current money To which payment well and truly to be made to our said Governor and his successors for the use of the Commonwealth we bind ourselves, our heirs Executors and administration Jointly & Severally firmly by there presents sealed with our seals & dated the 28th day of June 1792…The Condition of the above obligations is such that whereas there is a marriage shortly intended to be had & Solemnized between the above bound David Jarret and Jane Graham If therefore there be no Lawfull Cause to obstruct the same then this obligation to be void else to remain of force and virtue. Signed David Garred and Kelus Moris in the presence of Wm P. Smith DC.“
“The Greenbrier Marriage Bonds, now housed in the Greenbrier Historical Society, contain the marriage bond for the marriage of William Jones and Betsy Jerritt. James Jarrett signs as bondsmen and is proven by the oath of David Jarritt (uncle or brother of Betsy is not known.) The bond is a printed form with the date of “one thousand eight hundred” printed in — usually followed by handwritten numbers. In this case, it is dated 16 October but no other number is written in after the printed words”eight hundred.” Whether 1800 was the year or another number to have followed was omitted is not known since no other records of the marriage has been found. Some charts give the year 1803 probably based on the 1804 birth of their eldest son.“
As this collaborative effort remains “a work in progress“, information found in the Family Pages posted in this project (Wilson Family Tree Album Blog) continues to be periodically updated with corrections and/or new information. Similarly, additional Family Pages are added as time permits. Although subscribers receive an automated notification of each new blog posted (see Snapshots in Time), the structure of the hundreds of branches each Family Page represents resulted in the adoption of a format that does not provide for a similar notification which is why it is important to check back from time to time to see what has been updated. To help, below is a list of recent updates to existing “Family Pages” and new “Family Pages” that have been recently added. Please note that we are always looking to add portraits and photos of the ancestors, their children with their spouses, and at times their grandchildren, so please contact us if you have any to share.
Please let us know if you find any corrections. Please note that questions and additional information can be posted by submitting a “Reply” at the end of any specified page. Again, appreciate all the time and assistance that makes this project possible.
As new pieces of the puzzle are shared, we continue to learn more about the story of our ancestors and their descendants. This can be most evident in our use and understanding of DNA testing. Since our last post in 2021, the testing of the Y-DNA of a great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson (1844-1920) was recently upgraded to the highest level currently available (known as the Big Y-700) with FamilyTreeDNA. Not only does this provide additional clarity to prior test results, this comprehensive test links the paternal lineage of Thomas Allen Wilson back centuries with results that will continue to be refined and updated as we continue to learn more about how to utilize DNA results with traditional methods of genealogy.
Thomas Allen Wilson is the paternal
grandfather of William Floyd Wilson
As previously posted, the earliest proven ancestor of our Wilson paternal line was Thomas Allen Wilson’s father Allen Green Wilson(1819-1864) who was reported to have been born in Smith County (Tennessee) on February 14, 1819. To date, we have yet to identify any siblings of Allen Green Wilson; and all we know about his parents is that the family Bible of Thomas Allen Wilson’s older brother (John William Wilson) reported they were Robert William Wilson and Celina A. Robinson (both reportedly born in North Carolina). Last known to be in the possession of his daughter Winnie Wilson Ayles, it is not known if John William Wilson’s family Bible has survived; and there are no known copies or transcripts of his Bible that have been shared. Anyone with any information information regarding this Bible, please contact us.
Allen Green Wilson is the paternal
great-grandfather of William Floyd Wilson
As noted in our last analysis (Discovering the parents of Allen Green Wilson [Y-DNA Testing]), testing of the Y-DNA of this great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson for the most common 111 markers (STRs) was found not to be closely related to any of the family groups that have been matched in the Wilson Y-DNA Surname Project. Instead, this great-grandson (Kit# 947131) was found to be most closely related to several descendants with the Hill surname and subsequently matched with three of these descendants participating in the Hill Y-DNA Surname Project forming family “Group 51” with reported origins in Suffolk, Virginia. To date, this great-grandson (Kit# 947131) is the only member of “Group 51” to be tested at this level.
Cropped from a portrait of the family of Thomas Allen Wilson’s son Joseph Wilson taken in Childress (Texas) about 1924. Standing in the back row (left-right) is Maggie Fay Wilson, Shelby Ralph Wilson, William Floyd Wilson, Bertie Lee Wilson, and Nettie May Wilson. Sitting in the front (left-right) is John Allen Wilson, Joseph Wilson, Herschel “Mike” Howard Wilson, Malinda Wilson, and Joseph “Jodie” Herbert Wilson. Photo provided by Phyllis Carpenter.
While the terms and identifiers utilized in DNA testing can be confusing, when we look at the information from a traditional genealogy perspective the results can be easier to understand. Since there is little to no change in the Y-DNA passed down from father to son, the Big Y-700 tests approximately 700 Y-DNA data points known as markers (STRs) and private variants (SNPs). By comparing these Y-DNA data points with other males tested at similar levels, men that share a common male ancestor are grouped into family branches known as “paternal haplogroups“. While the vast majority of these paternal family branches date back thousands of years, more recent paternal branches continue to be identified as more men are tested at this level. Not only can we analyze the “new Haplogroup group” from a match with the great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson, more “new Haplogroup groups” can be identified as more male descendants from the suspected family branches can be identified and tested.
The importance of sharing and verifying the paternal family lineage is often overlooked as Y-DNA can only confirm if the men tested share a common male ancestor. Since we are generally not testing samples taken from our ancestors, to discover the identity of the common male ancestors with the great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson we need to carefully review the documentation of the lineage for each matched descendant. Working from the proven paternal lineages, we can explore historical records for potential paternal ancestors utilizing the information from Y-DNA surname projects to eliminate paternal lines that have been proven to be more distantly matched.
Parsing through the documented lineages of the closest Y-DNA matches with the great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson revealed documentation that several of the last proven paternal ancestors had lived in Randolph County (North Carolina) between 1779 and the early 1800s. A review of the autosomal DNA matches of a great-granddaughter of Thomas Allen Wilson suggested links to the families of Aaron Hill and Joseph Wilson that had settled next to each other in Randolph County and attended the Quaker Back Creek Monthly Meetings after removing from Pasquotank County (North Carolina) in the mid 1700s. Intriguingly, there was even a complaint in the Back Creek Monthly Meetings in 1804 that Aaron Hill had fathered an illegitimate child that could explain the adoption of the Wilson surname.
That said, most of the early settlers of present-day Randolph County had followed the Great Wagon Road down from Philadelphia (Pennsylvania); crossing down through western Maryland and passing through Virginia’s Shenandoah Valley (see Tracing Millers Migration from Pennsylvania to South Carolina). This included a significant number of Separatist Baptist that migrated from the New England region and New Jersey to escape persecution during the 1750s. As noted below, there are notable links between Baptist members who removed to Smith County (Tennessee) from Rowan County (North Carolina) which shared a border with Randolph County until they were separated by the formation of Davidson County in 1822.
While connections with Randolph County (North Carolina) stood out, there certainly were other Hill and Wilson families worthy of additional consideration and review. Moreover, the review of the limited lineage information shared in the Hill Y-DNA Surname Project illustrates that at least some of the claimed paternal lineages need to be corrected and/or updated which could alter our initial conclusions. Hopefully, sharing this post will facilitate more testing along with more descendants sharing information as we continue our search for the parents, siblings, and other relatives on Allen Green Wilson.
God Bless!
Y-DNA Results & Related Research
The most distant match identified in the Big Y-700 testing was the great-grandson of Robert Judson Hill (1875-1950) that had matched the great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson with 101 of the 111 Y-DNA markers (STRs) tested. According to the advanced testing (detailed below), it is currently estimated that the common male descendant that these two descendants share was born in England sometime around 1500. Due to males ability to father children from their teens to well past their 50s, the range that this common ancestor may have been born is current estimate to have been sometime (95% probability) between 1237-1689.
With a confirmed Haplogroup of R-FT308620, this great-grandson of Robert Judson Hill (1875-1950) had ten non-matching variants that were identified (F1541, S6766, FT308135, FT309984, 5980232, 11646001, 19893084, 26576112, Z42172, & 8202323);with a difference of four of 622 STRs.
As noted in our earlier analysis, this great-grandson of Robert Judson Hill (1875-1950) had provided his paternal line (listed below) back to Thomas Hill (1657-1720). While this paternal lineage appeared to have been well researched, we have not independently verified the lineage. Although there were some questions, the lineage of Thomas Hill (of Middlesex, Virginia) and his wife Ann through to Colonel Robert Hill (1772-1824) has been researched and published.[1] In addition, there are documented family trees that claim the parents of Thomas Hill (of Middlesex, Virginia) were Major Thomas Hill (1634-1720) and Sarah Frances Macon (1642-1676); and his grandparents were Captain Thomas Hill (1610-1661) and Mary Piersey (1612-1679). Captain Thomas Hill (1610-1661), his father Edward Hill (1587-1624), and his grandfather Robert Hill (1570-?) were reported to immigrate from England to Jamestown, Virginia.[2] If this can be verified, the common male ancestor with the great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson would most likely be Edward Hill (1587-1624) or Robert Hill (1570-?).
GF – Forrest Arlie Hill (1900-1997)born in Caldwell Co. (MO);
GGF – Robert Judson Hill (1875-1950) born in Caldwell Co. (MO);
2nd GGF – Thomas Benton Hill (1839-1917) born in Callaway Co. (MO);
3rd GGF – Rev. Robert Chapman Hill (1806-1874) born in Madison Co. (VA);
4th GDF – Colonel Robert Hill (1772-1824);
5th GGF – Colonel Henry Hill Sr (1743-1815) born in Culpeper Co. (VA);
6th GGF – Russell Hill (1717-1789) born in Middlesex Co. (VA);
7th GGF – William Russell Hill (1684-1759) born in Middlesex Co. (VA);
8th GGF – Thomas Hill (1657-1720).
On the left is a portrait of Reverend Robert Chapman Hill (1806-1874) with his wife Mary Jane Hume (1813-1876). On the right is a portrait of their son, Thomas Benton Hill (1839-1917). Both portraits were shared on Ancestry.com by Karen Hill Walker.
Ezekiel C. Hill (1710-1747) and Ezekiah Needles Hill (1725-1776) have both been reported to have been sons of William Russell Hill (1684-1759). More research is needed.
The second match identified was the great-grandson of William Hobbs (1843-1925) that had matched 61 of the 67 Y-DNA markers (STRs) with this great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson. Interestingly, this great-grandson of William Hobbs (1843-1925) did not match the minimum 101 markers (STRs) with this great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson at the 111 Y-DNA level of testing. According to the advanced testing (detailed below), the common male descendant that these two descendants share is estimated to have been born in England sometime around 1554 with a potential range from 1266-1742. Unfortunately, this great-grandson of William Hobbs (1843-1925) has not been able to trace his family past Thomas Jacob Hobbs (1795-1846) who lived in Gallia County (Ohio). However, there were a great number of Quaker families that removed from North Carolina to territories north of the Ohio River due to their opposition against slavery (see Our Quaker Roots and Slavery) which included descendants of the Hobbs families in Randolph County (North Carolina).
With a confirmed Haplogroup group of R-Z42172, the great-grandson of William Hobbs (1843-1925) had twelve non-matching variants that were identified ( F1541, S6766, FT444022, FT309984, FT444023, FT444229, 3130486, 5448027, 11751821, 15758394, 15760679, 8202323); with a difference of three of 668 STRs.
The third match and closest match identified for this great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson was a descendant of Joseph Albert Price who was born in Otsego County (New York) in 1813.[3] Although it has not been proven, this descendant believes the father of Joseph Albert Price (1813-1893) was David Price who was reported to have been born in the eastern region of New York in the 1780s. As noted in our earlier analysis, this descendant (Kit#142099) matched the great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson with 103 of the 111 markers (STRs) tested. According to the results from the Big Y-700 (detailed below), the common male descendant that these two descendants share is estimated to have been born in England or the American Colonies sometime around 1650 with a 95% probability he was born between 1400-1832.
Together, this descendant (Kit#142099) of Joseph Albert Price and great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson form the new Haplogroup group of R-FT309984. With this descendant (Kit#142099), there were six non-matching variants that were identified (F1541, S6766, 14150768, 8070079, 21224892, & 8202323); with a difference of four of 638 STRs.
According to the paternal grandmother of this descendant of Joseph Albert Price, their paternal surname had been changed to “Price” sometime “around the time of the Revolutionary War…” which had led to the speculation of the family that he had changed it to prevent relatives in England from knowing he had supported the rebellion. While his grandmother could not recall the original surname, “she thought it might have started with the letter H“, which had led this descendant to have his Y-DNA tested with FamilyTreeDNA. Remarkably, consistent with his grandmother’s recollection, his first three close Y-DNA matches were all “Hill” descendants. However, the matched “Hill” descendants all traced their paternal families lineage back to North Carolina; and he has yet to determine where his paternal line intersects with any of his matched “Hill” descendants, none of which have been tested beyond 111 markers (STRs).
During the Revolutionary War, most of the men fighting for the British were colonial loyalist (commonly referred to as Tories) that often lost everything with many forced to leave the colonies and settle in Canada. This included John Hill who was living in New York in 1775 prior to removing to Halifax (Nova Scotia); Richard Hill who arrived in New York from Ireland and lost 700 acres purchased on the Connecticut River in Vermont prior to removing to Digby (Nova Scotia); Zacheus Hill who had his property in Dutches County (New York) sequestered; Joshua Hill who was living in Sussex County (Delaware) prior to escaping to New York where he removed to Shelburne (Nova Scotia); John Hill who had been living in Brookfield (Massachusetts) prior to removing to Saint John (New Brunswick); and William Hill a native of Boston who removed to Halifax (Nova Scotia).[4] A review of the of the limited genealogy information posted in the Hill Y-DNA Surname Project, did not reveal that any descendants from these British loyalist have participated, suggesting one of these men could be part of our missing Hill lineage.
According to a well documented tree on Ancestry.com, John James Hill was born in Bucks County (Pennsylvania) on November 9, 1725; and to have been a British Loyalist resulting in his removal to Canada where he died about 1804. One of his sons was reported to have been Ezekiel Smith Hill (1759-1824), who fought against the British and died in Bedford County (Virginia).
Similar to the descendant of Joseph Albert Price, the great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson matched 103 of 111 markers (STRs) tested with the grandson of Francis Marion Kirwin (1855-1934). As noted in our earlier analysis, Francis Marion Kirwin’s mother (Martha Jane Mills) had been born in North Carolina and the unmarried young girl had been sent to Shelby County (Indiana) “to hide her shame” where Francis Marion Kirwin was born. Six months after the birth of the birth of Francis Marion Kirwin, Martha Jane Mills married Patrick Kirwin who adopted and raised Francis Marion Kirwin. Based on the Y-DNA matches of the grandson of Francis Marion Kirwin, the family collaborated with an established Hill family expert and determined John Robert Hill (1832-1895) was more than likely the unnamed father of Francis Marion Kirwin (1855-1934).
Portrait of Francis Marion Kirwin’s grandson, Francis Marion Kirwin Jr (1894-1928) shared on ancestry.com.
According to the Kirwin family tradition, Martha Mills had been born in Charlotte (Mecklenberg County, North Carolina) on 4 July 1835; and she had died in West Cherry Town (Montgomery County, Kansas) on April 27, 1891.[5] Although the age was reported slightly different (53 instead of 55), this is partially supported by her obituary which states “Mrs. Martha Kirwin, died at her home in West Cherry township, Montgomery County, Monday, in the 53rd year of her age” leaving “six children to mourn her loss”; and “her remains were buried in the Westcott Cemetery…“[6] Although the Kirwin family research had been focusing on a 10 year-old Martha Mills who was living in Dade County (Missouri) in 1850,[7] Kirwin family trees in Ancestry.com now list that “Mrs. Martha Kirwin” was the 17 year-old Martha Mills who was living in the Southern Division of Davidson County (North Carolina) in 1850.
In the 1850 Federal Census, the 17 year-old Martha Mills was living in the household #595 of the Southern Division of Davidson County (North Carolina) along with her 19 year-old sister Lucinda Mills and her 11 year-old brother Burton Mills (all born in North Carolina). The head of the household was a 48 year-old farmer named Fredrick Davis who was born in North Carolina and was living with his 43 year-old wife Lucinda Davis (born in North Carolina).[8] This suggests that the 43 year-old Lucinda Davis had been widowed prior to her marriage to the 48 year-old Fredrick Davis. Martha Mills 21 year-old older brother, Harris C. Mills, was living nearby with his 24 year-old wife Lucinda Mills in household #480.[9]
In 1860, the 55 year-old Fredrick Davis was a farmer living alone with his 55 year-old wife Lucind Davis in Dobson District in Surry County (North Carolina) which is located about 65 miles northwest of Davidson County. The 68 year-old Fredrick Davis and his 65 year-old wife Lucinda Davis moved to neighboring Hotel Township (Elkin Post Office) where they were reported living in household #113 in the 1870 Federal Census. Living close by in household #110 was Lucinda Davis’ 31 year-old son Berton Mills with his 31 year-old wife Lewiza Mills and his 3 year-old daughter Elizabeth Mills. Living in the next household (#111) was the 41 year-old Harrison Mills, his 43 year-old wife Lucinda Mills, and their five children (15 year-old Ellen Mills, 13 year-old Bettie Mills, 11 year-old Julia Mills, 6 year-old Lucy Mills, & two year-old George Mills).[10]
While the name of Martha Mills’ father is unproven, it would appear likely that her father was closely related to Jonathan Mills and George Mills. On November 3, 1778, George Mills entered a claim for 200 acres in Rowan County (North Carolina) “on the waters of Cabbin creek” adjoining the land of “Richard Quick, Jonathan Mills, and Timothy Parks.” On April 16, 1783, the survey was made for George Mills of 179 acres adjoining Timothy Parks and Richard Persons.[11] Two days latter (November 5, 1778), Jonathan Mills entered a claim for 280 acres in Rowan County (North Carolina) “on the waters of Cabbin creek” adjoining the land of “Charles Parks, Richard Quick, Samuel Lewis, & Edward Moore.” When the survey was made (July 17, 1787), the land adjoined the land of George Mills, William Baggerts, William Hanney, and Charles Parks line.[12]
Cropped from 1890 Johnson Map of Davidson County (North Carolina), Lick Creek flows through Healing Springs Township into the Yankin River above Cabin Creek which flows through Jackson Hill Township (National Archives).
Located east of the Yankin River near the northern border of Montgomery County (North Carolina), this section of Rowan County became part of Davidson County when it was split-off from Rowan County on December 9, 1822. Curiously, John Wilson had entered a claim for 40 acres “on the Waters of Lick Creek Joining the Lands of Daniel Rothrocks” in Davidson County on June 26, 1825.[13] On March 18, 1828, John Roach and “William Hills of Wake County” entered a claim for 100 acres “on the waters of lick creek” in Davidson County. However, when the survey of this 100 acres was made (February 7, 1829) for “John Roach of Davidson and William Hill of Raleigh” the land was reported to be “on the waters of Cabbin Creek“.[14] On March 7, 1831, William Hill and John Roach were granted 6½ acres of land “on the waters of Abbots Creek” in Davidson County; and on the same day, Green Hill and John Roach were granted 9 acres “in Davidson County on the waters of lick Creek“.[15]
As noted in our post (Discovering the Parents of Allen Green Wilson-the Robinsons), Henry Robinson was one of a new sixteen member “Hard Baptist” congregation of “Round Lick” formed near the village of Grant along the border of Wilson and Smith County (Tennessee) in 1803. One of the members, Thomas Durham (born about 1760) was “a Baptist preacher” from the “Jersey settlement” in Rowan County (North Carolina) in which John Wilson was a member. Not only were Allen Green Wilson’s parents reported to have been Robert William Wilson and Celina A. Robinson, Robert A. Wilson (relative of Allen Green Wilson?) was the assignee of Harris B. Robinson (relative of Celina Robinson?) for 12 acres on Round Lick Creek in Smith County (Tennessee) in 1827. Moreover, the will (dated November 17, 1829) of Robert A. Wilson named his wife Celia Wilson (Celina Robinson?) and was witnessed by Henry Robinson (see post for citations).
Following “The Coxe Affair” in 1731, settlers (including Reverend John Gano) from Hopewell Township (Hunterdon County, New Jersey) that had been swindled out of their lands banded together in the “Fifty Men’s Compact” and filed suit which they lost in 1735. Refusing to pay for their land twice, these settlers were forced to flee west to avoid arrest with the “greatest concentration” settling on the first creek (Back Creek) past Opequon Creek in Franklin County, Virginia. About 1745, a dozen or more of these families formed a wagon train and followed the old Indian Warpath to the Yadkin River in North Carolina which would be formed into Rowan County in 1753.[16] Located “in the Yadkin Valley of what is now Davidson County“, this became known as the “Jersey Settlement” on the “north banks of the Yadkin River“. There was a “great influx of settlers” that “arrived in the Yadkin Valley after 1750” with the majority having come from the “New England” area.[17] This would indicate that it is possible that the common Hill male ancestor of Joseph Albert Price had migrated south from one of the northern colonies after 1750.
One of the families that followed this migration path was the family of Samuel Hill (1730-1812) who was living in New Jersey when his sons Daniel Hill (September 4, 1757) and Abram Hill (July 24, 1759) were born. Sometime around 1761, Samuel Hill (1730-1812) moved his family to Loudoun County (Virginia) where he was known to attend the Ketocton/Ketoctin Baptist Church in Loudoun County. Located about 20 miles east of Opequon Creek, missionaries John Gano and John Thomas provided services at the Ketocin Baptist Church throughout the mid-1750s. After the start of the Revolutionary War, Samuel Hill moved his family into western North Carolina settling “below the fork of French Broad and Nolachucky” (Nolichucky River) in present-day Tennessee.[18] While none have been tested at the advanced level of the Big Y, descendants of Samuel Hill (1730-1812) and Daniel Hill (1757-1846) have been matched in “Group 14” of the Hill Y-DNA Surname Project.
In 1784, the preaching of Reverend William Hill in the “Jersey Settlement” led to the formation of the Jersey Baptist Church which would oversee the church at Lick Creek in which Thomas Durham was a member.[19] Reverend William Hill Jr was born in Virginia, where his father (William Hill Sr) had been “greatly angered, it is believed, that his son united with the Baptist…“[20] Born in Carolina County (Virginia), William Hill Sr’s “grandfather Hill…emigrated from England to Virginia in 1620… “. William Hill Sr and his wife Susanna Smithers had lived in Carolina County (Virginia) where their son William Hill Jr married Elizabeth Halbert; son Robert Hill married Martha Halbert; and daughter Elizabeth Hill married William Halbert. After 1765, William Hill Sr and his wife moved to Surry County (North Carolina) along with the majority of their children where they would live out the remainder of their lives.[21] With 14 descendants of William Hill Sr and his wife Susanna Smithers having been matched in family “Group 12a” of the Hill Y-DNA Surname Project, the common Hill ancestor with the great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson is not related to this line.
As noted in our previous post, John Robert Hill (1832-1895) was the great-great grandfather of a descendant that had matched 60 of 67 markers (STRs) with the great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson. Although this descendant of John Robert Hill was tested to 111 markers (STRs), they matched fewer than 101 markers with the great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson. Listed in Hill family “Group 51“, this descendant (Kit#9661) reported his earliest known male ancestor to be Guy Hill who died about 1775. Listed below is the lineage of descendant (Kit#9661) that had been provided to the descendants of Francis Marion Kirwin.
Son – Descendant (Kit#9661);
Father – Calvin Belmont Hill (born 1927);
GF – Julian Lee Hill (1900-1963);
GGF – Leonidas Rosser (L.R.) Hill (1868-1944);
2nd GGF – John Robert Hill (1832-1895);
3rd GGF – Robert Riddick Hill (abt1810-1863);
4th GGF –Robert Hill (?-abt1844);
5th GGF – Kedar Hill (abt1760-abt1789);
6th GGF – Guy Hill (?-abt1775).
Based on the available information, this appears to have been the information provided by the Hill Family expert to the Kirwin family to determine that John Robert Hill (1832-1895) was more than likely the unnamed biological father of Francis Marion Kirwin (1855-1934). Yet, John Robert Hill (1832-1895) was living over 250 miles east of Davidson County (North Carolina) in Gates County (North Carolina) in 1850; and John R. Hill posted bond for his application to marry Mollie Harrell in Gates County on September 13, 1860.[22] As noted below, there were a number of young Hill men that were documented to have been living much closer to the 17 year-old Martha Mills in 1850.
Living nearby in household #339, was the 17 year-old Jesse Hill. Born in North Carolina, Jesse Hill was living with his 44 year-old father Simeon Hill, his 34 year-old mother Rachel Hill, his 11 year-old sister Caroline Hill, his 10 year-old son Levi Hill, his 4 year-old son John Hill, and his two year-old son Calvin Hill ((all born in North Carolina).[23]
Living nearby in household #723, was the 18 year-old Henry Hill. Born in North Carolina, Henry Hill was living with his 42 year-old father Levi Hill, his 39 year-old mother Tabitha Hill, his 19 year-old sister Anne Hill, his 13 year-old sister Eliza Hill, his 8 year0old daughter Miby Hill, and 3 year-old Mary Stuart (all born in North Carolina).[24]
Living nearby in household #735, was the 32 year-old Doctor W. Hill. Born in North Carolina, Doctor W. Hill was a farmer living with his 25 year-old wife Elizabeth Hill, his 5 year-old daughter Starage Hill, his 4 year-old daughter Lucinda Hill, his 4 year-old daughter Miranda Hill, and his one year-old daughter Elizabeth Hill (all born in North Carolina). Living in the next household (#736), was the 77 year-old Sion Hill and his 66 year-old wife Starage Hill (both born in North Carolina).[25]
Living nearby in household #822, was the 24 year-old William Hill. Born in North Carolina, William Hill was a farmer living with his 24 year-old wife Sarah Hill (Born in North Carolina). Living in the next household (#823) was the 52 year-old Samuel Hill and his 52 year-old wife Mary Hill (both born in North Carolina).[26]
Living in the Northern Division of Davidson County (North Carolina), were three brothers (22 year-old Jesse Hill, 20 year-old John Hill, & 15 year-old son Rolen Hill). They were all born in North Carolina, and living the household (#676) of their 42 year-old father William Hill (farmer), their 41 year-old mother Sarah Hill, their 13 year-old brother Valentine Hill, their 11 year-old sister Elisabeth Hill, their 11 year-old brother William Hill, their 7 year-old brother Jackson Hill, their 5 year-old sister Sarah Hill, and their two year-old sister Catherine Hill (all born in North Carolina).[27]
Unfortunately, a review of the other family groups reported in the Hill Y-DNA Surname Project revealed there were eleven men tested and matched in family “Group 5” reporting to be descendants of Sion Hill (1773-186?) and his wife Starage Lee. While we have not independently verified the lineage, this certainly suggests the common male ancestor for the great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson and the others in “Group 51” did not descend from this line. However, living in neighboring Rowan County was a 15 year-old Guy Hill. Born in North Carolina, Guy Hill was living in household #318 of the 38th School District with his 49 year-old father Abram Hill, his 49 year-old mother Elizabeth A. Hill, his four sisters (20 year-old Mary Ann, 19 year-old Sarah, 17 year-old Dorthy, & 8 year-old Eveline Hill), and his 11 year-old brother Abram A. Hill (all born in North Carolina). Living in the next two households were the families of Guy Hill’s 26 year-old brother John L. Hill and his 28 year-old brother Henry W. Hill.[28] According to a well sourced family tree, Abram Hill (1801-1860) is the 2nd great-grandson of Isaac Thomas Hill (1636-1710) listing a will dated March 3, 1710; that was proven in Chowan District of North Carolina. Additional research revealed “Guy Hill of the County of Chowan and Province of North Carolina” named his wife Sarah Hill (née Hobbs?) along with his sons (Kadah, John, & Guy Hill Jr) in his last will written on March 29, 1775 (see below).[29]
There has been speculation that this Guy Hill was Benjamin Guy Hill Jr who was born in Massachusetts about 1710. According to a well documented family tree in Ancestry.com, the parents of Benjamin Guy Hill were James Griffin Moses Hill (1680-1743) and Dorthy Gray (1680-1760); and his siblings included Green Hill (1714-1775). This family tree listed James Griffin Moses Hill (1680-1743) as the grandson of Valentine Hill who was born in Winthrope Parish (Lincolnshire, England) on March 23, 1611; and emigrated to Boston in 1636.
Another related descendant (Kit#185410) in Hill family “Group 51” reported descending from Robert Hill who was born in Northumberland (England) in 1615 and died in 1682. As noted in our earlier analysis, this descendant (Kit#185410) matched 35 of the 37 markers (STRs) with the great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson. Listed below is the lineage of this descendant (Kit#185410) provided to the descendants of Francis Marion Kirwin with the assertion that the first three generations were “accurate and well documented” as were the last three. Although “neither shed any light on Ezekiel’s parents“, this included a family bible beginning with Ezekiel L. Hill (1820-1893) along with his will.[30]
Son – Descendant (Kit#185410);
Father – Ogress Milton Hill (1908-1988) & Wilma Sager;
GF – Rufus McCager Hill (1882-1955) & Ella Mae Cranford;
GGF – Ezekiel L. Hill (1820-1893) & 3 wives;
2nd GGF – Sion Hill (1773-1863) & Orpha Starage Lee;
3rd GGF – Green Hill (abt1752-1799) & Sally Lee;
4th GGF – Sion Hill (1718-1780) & Sarah Brown (1720-1792);
5th GGF – Robert Hill (1678-1762) & Tabitha Brown Green (1721?);
6th GGF – Sion Hill (1654-1705) & Elizabeth Splitimber Smith (1662-1705);
7th GGF – Robert Hill (1615-1682) & Mary Webb (1621-1684).
This descendant (Kit#185410) noted that due to “multiple Sion and Green Hills in NC at this time” there were some researchers with questions regarding the lineage of Green Hill (abt1752-1799) and Sion Hill (1773-1863). They added that there was “an issue of proof of” as to if Sion Hill (1718-1780) was a son of Robert Hill (1678-1762).[31] Beyond his great-great grandfather Ezekiel L. Hill (1820-1893), a review of the other family groups reported in the Hill Y-DNA Surname Project reveal a number of potential issues with this lineage of this descendant (Kit#185410). Not only was there another descendant (Kit#218594) matched in Hill family “Group 8” that had similarly claimed to be a descendant of Robert Hill (1615-1682), there were another two descendants (Kit#105937 & Kit#503854) in “Group 8” claiming to descend from Robert Hill (1678-1766) and his wife Tabitha; and another (Kit#107017) claiming to descend from Sion W. Hill (1654-1705). Similarly, there was another descendant claiming to descend from Sion Hill (1654-1705) matched in “Group 21“. Along with a man claiming to descend from Sion Hill (1718-1780) and Sarah Brown; there were the eleven men reporting to descend from Sion Hill (1773-1863) in Hill family “Group 5” as previously noted. This is a reminder of the need to carefully review the documentation of the lineage for each matched descendant, as Y-DNA can only confirm the relationship of the men tested with traditional genealogy providing the insights as to identities of their common male ancestor. Since none of these descendants have reported testing beyond 111 markers (STRs), this would also illustrate the advantage of the advanced testing that is now available with the Big Y-700 to help resolve these apparent conflicts.
Research revealed that Frances England reported transporting “Robert Hill, Mary his wife” along with 13 others to the Isle of Wight County (Virginia) in 1642.[32] Not only is Sion Hill (1654-1705) documented to be the son of Robert Hill (1615-1682), the children of Sion Hill (1654-1705) and his wife wife Elizabeth (née Green?) were Robert Hill (1678-1765), Richard Hill (1684-1723), Captain Thomas Hill (1686-1737), and Michael Hill (168?-1755). Not only was Green Hill (1714-1769) the eldest son of Richard Hill (1684-1723), land given to his youngest son (Captain Richard Hill [1720-1775]) adjoined the land of “Lewis Green of Prince George County” illustrating ties with the Hill and Green families; and Captain Richard Hill (1720-1775) continued this naming tradition with his son Green Hill (1752-?).[33]
FamilyTreeDNA’s updated time predictor estimates that the common male descendant of the great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson and this descendant (Kit#185410) was born sometime around 1650 with a 95% probability he was born between 1250-1850. While Ezekiel L. Hill (1820-1893) was born within this range, it is far more likely this common male ancestor was Ezekiel L. Hill’s father, grandfather, or great-grandfather. As earlier noted, the Big Y-700 results estimated the common male descendant of Thomas Allen Wilson’s great-grandson and Joseph Albert Price’s descendant (Kit#142099) was similarly estimated to have been born in England or the American Colonies sometime around 1650 CE.
Although Ezekiel L. Hill (1820-1893) has been reported to have been born in Wake County (North Carolina), he is known to have spent most of his life living in Randolph County (North Carolina) where he died on December 27, 1893. Randolph County (North Carolina) was created when the southern section of Guilford County was split-off in 1779. Proven on June 25, 1894; in his last will (dated October 12, 1889) Ezekiel L. Hill of Randolph County (North Carolina) named his third wife Bersheba (Hinshaw), his son Marcus, and his son Rufus.[34]Ezekiel L. Hill married Bersheba Hinshaw in Randolph County on March 6, 1879; E. L. Hill had married Eliza Hill in Randolph County on September 21, 1865.[35] Previously, Ezekiel Hill had been married to Mary Thompson when his son Addison B. Hill was born in Randolph County on January 13, 1856; and his son Daniel W. Hill was born on August 3, 1859.[36]
In 1850, the 30 year-old Ezekiel Hill was a farmer in living household #1170 of the Southern Division of Randolph County, North Carolina. Born in North Carolina, Ezekiel Hill was living with his 34 year-old wife Polly Hill, his 6 year-old son Elisha Hill and his two year-old son William C. Hill (all born in North Carolina).
Living nearby in household #1098 was 27 year-old John Hill. Born in North Carolina, John Hill was living with his 27 year-old wife Jane Hill, his 8 year-old son Harris Hill, his 4 year-old son Alex Hill, and his two year-old daughter Mary A. Hill (all born in North Carolina).
Living nearby in household #1089 was 50 year-old Henry Hill. Born in North Carolina, Henry Hill was a farmer living with his 50 year-old wife Elizabeth Hill, his 24 year-old daughter Mie. L. Hill, his 33 year-old daughter Margaret Hill, his 15 year-old son William L. Hill, and his 10 year-old daughter Jane M. Hill (all born in North Carolina).
Living nearby in household #1092 was 53 year-old Micayal (Micajah) Hill Jr. Born in North Carolina, Micayal Hill Jr. was a farmer living with his 46 year-old wife Loral Hill, his 26 year-old son Whitson H. Hill, his 22 year-old son Jesse G. Hill, his 20 year-old son Eli S. Hill, his 18 year-old daughter Rorette Hill, his 16 year-old daughter Mary A. Hill, his 14 year-old daughter Nancy M. Hill, his 12 year-old son Willie W. Hill, his 10 year-old daughter Letia A. Hill, and his 7 year-old son David Hill (all born in North Carolina).
Living nearby in household #1091 was 74 year-old Micayeel (Micajah) Hill. Born in North Carolina, Micayeel Hill was a minister living with his 67 year-old wife Sarah Hill, and his 26 year-old son Isom H. Hill (all born in North Carolina).
The son of Aaron Hill (1785-1863) and Mary Henley of Randolph County, Micajah Hill married Sarah Jane Mendenhall on February 9, 1832; and his brother John Hill married Lydia Starbuck on July 20, 1837.[37] The marriage of Mary Henley and Aaron Hill was recorded in the Back Creek Meeting House on May 28, 1805.[38] Aaron Hill was born on December 2, 1785; his brother Nathan Hill was born on September 7, 1788; and their parents were William and Mary Hill.[39] “William Hill son of Aaron Hill of the County of Pasquotank Deceased and Mary Smith daughter of John Smith of the County of Perquimans Deceased” were married at the Piney-Woods Meeting House in Perquimans County (North Carolina) on November 11, 1762. Their children included Margaret Hill (1763-?), John Hill (1765-?), Joseph Hill (1767-?), Benjamin Hill (1770-?), Thomas Hill (1774-?), Rachel Hill (1777-?), and Robert Hill (1780-?).[40] In his will (dated May 7, 1863), Aaron Hill named his wife Marian E. Hill, his sons (Thomas Hill, William Hill, Nathan Hill, A. O. Hill, & Joseph Hill), and daughters (Mary Branson, Smith Reece, & Abigail Mendenhall).[41]
Portrait of Dougain C. Hill (1865-1921) shared on Ancestry.com by Susan Clifford. Born in Randolph County (North Carolina), Dougain C. Hill is the grandson of Reverend Micajah Hill Sr (1777-1854).
In 1870, the 49 year-old E. L. Hill was a farmer living in household #169 of Franklinsville Township in Randolph County, North Carolina. Born in North Carolina, E. L. Hill was living with his 37 year-old wife Elizure Hill, his 18 year-old daughter Sarah E. Hill, his 16 year-old daughter Clauda A. Hill, his 14 year-old son Adison B. Hill, his 11 year-old son Daniel W. Hill, and his 14 year-old son William A. Hill (all born in North Carolina).
In 1880, the 59 year-old Ezekiel L. Hill was a farmer living in household #149 of Franklinsville Township in Randolph County, North Carolina. Born in North Carolina, Ezekiel L. Hill was living with his 42 year-old wife Beersheba Hill, and his 24 year-old daughter Clauda A. Hill (all born in North Carolina). Both of Ezekiel L. Hill’s parents were reported to have been born in North Carolina.
Located in the Peidmont region of central North Carolina, Randolph County (North Carolina) was created when the southern section of Guilford County was split-off in 1779. In 1770, Guilford County had been formed from the western section of Orange County (formed in 1752) and the eastern section of the expansive Rowan County which included most of North Carolina’s land in present-day Tennessee when it (Rowan County) was created in 1753. With waterfalls and rapids making travel up river from the coastal plains of North Carolina more difficult, most of the early settlers of present-day Randolph County had followed the Great Wagon Road down from Philadelphia (Pennsylvania) crossing down through western Maryland and Virginia’s Shenandoah Valley (see Tracing Millers Migration from Pennsylvania to South Carolina).
One of the notable early settlers was Separate Baptist minister Shubael Stearns Jr (1706-1771). During the first “Great Awakening“, Shubael Stearns Jr led several families from Tolland County (Connecticut) to Opecken Creek in Virginia where his brother-in-law Daniel Marshall was a member of the Mill Creek Baptist Church. Soon thereafter, Daniel Marshall joined with Shubael Stearns Jr and the other families as they moved south into North Carolina settling near the convergence of Deep River and Haw River at a place called Sandy Creek (between present-day Liberty & Asheboro, Randolph County).[42] With the assistance of Daniel Marshall, the passionate Shubael Stearns with “his zealous animating manner” established the Sandy Creek Baptist Church with membership swelling from 16 to 600+ in less than two years. With most of the baptist supporting the Regulator movement, attendance at Sandy Creek Baptist Church dropped to fourteen after North Carolina’s governor defeated the Regulators in May of 1771.[43]
The original member of Sandy Sandy Creek Baptist Church “…consisted of eight men and their wives. The names of the male members were Shubal Stearns, Peter Stearns, Ebenezer Stearns, Shubal Stearns, Jr., Daniel Marshall, Joseph Breed, Enos Stimpson and Jonathan Polk.“[44]
As previously posted, a descendant of Sterling Hill (1782-1858) matched 64 of the 67 markers (STRs) tested with the great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson. The third descendant (Kit#909485) listed in family “Group 51” in the Hill Y-DNA Surname Project, FamilyTreeDNA’s updated time predictor estimates this common male ancestor was born sometime around 1600 with a 95% probability that he was born between 1300-1850. Although Sterling Hill (1782-1858) could be the common male ancestor, it is more likely that this common male ancestor was Sterling Hill’s grandfather, great-grandfather, or 2nd great-grandfather.
Portrait of Sterling Hill’s great-grandson, Milo Neely Hill (1884-1965), shared on Ancestry.com by Marce T. Hill.
According to well documented family trees in Ancestry.com, Sterling Hill (1782-1858) was born in North Carolina and lived in Franklin County (North Carolina) in 1810, Franklin County (Illinois) in 1820, Muhlenberg County (Kentucky), and Williamson County (Illinois) in both 1840 and 1850. In the 1810 Federal Census, living next to the 16-25 year-old Sterling Hill in Franklin County (North Carolina) was the 45+ year-old Richard Hill suggesting this was his father. On January 20, 1779, Bute County (North Carolina) was split generally along Shocco Creek and replaced by forming Warren County from the northern section and the southern section becoming Franklin County.
Prior to 1810, Sterling Hill and his family were documented to have been in Randolph County (North Carolina) which was about 100 miles west of Franklin County (North Carolina). While he was “under twenty one years of age“, Sterling Hill (Jr?) was responsibly for “…killing of a horse the property of the said Issac Kearns which the said Sterling Hill did voluntarily take out of the possession of the said Issac Kearns…” with “said horse was valued at one hundred dollars“. On January 14, 1803, “…John Hill, Martha Hill, and Mary Hill, then of Randolph Co.,…conveyed to Issac Kearns land on the south side of Tom’s Creek…during the minority of Sterling Hill late of the County and state afforesaid being and at the time of the execution the deed of conveyance a joint heir to the said land…” Indicating he was 21 year-old or older, Sterling Hill signed the document on October 21, 1813.[45] On February 6, 1809, for the price of $120 “Sterling Hill of the County of Randolph & State of North Carolina” had signed an indenture conveying to Isaac Kerns a tract of land “on the South Side of Toms Creek & on the waters of Second Creek…“;[46] and “Starling Hill of the County of Randolph and State of North Carolina” conveyed 2¾ acres “on the waters of Toms Creek & Second Creek” for $7.50 to Nathan Elliott for payment of $7.50 on April 29, 1809.[47]Sterling Hill was still living in Randolph County when he conveyed for $300 another tract of land “on the waters of Toms Creek & Second Creek” to Huston Nonce/Nance.[48]
On June 2, 1779, Aaron Hill entered a claim as the assignee of William Massey for 400 acres “on Toms Creek” in Randolph County, North Carolina. Similarly, Aaron Hill entered a claim as the assignee of Barney Huffman for another 150 acres “on the waters of Toms Creek” in Randolph County (North Carolina) on April 4, 1780.[49]
Interestingly, there was “…a Complaint against Aaron Hill for charged with being the father of an Illegitimate child also for Endowing to seduce the Mother of said Child to clear him and Charge another…” during the Quaker month meeting held in Back Creek (Randolph County) on March 31, 1804.[50] After several delays, without any explanation the complaint appears to have been resolved with Aaron Hill remaining a member. Established in 1792, the Back Creek Quaker Meeting House was located 5-6 miles south of Asheboro in Randolph County, North Carolina (see below). About 1803, Aaron Hill’s father William Hill died in Randolph County leaving his land on Uwharrie River (bounded by land owned by Aaron Hill Sr. & the deceased Joseph Wilson) to be divided by his sons Samuel, Thomas, Aaron, and Nathan (who was under of 21).[51]
Cropped from the 1808 map of North Carolina (Library of Congress), Randolph County (lower center) is next to Rowan County. Located between Back Creek and Carroway Creek, the Quaker Meeting House is relatively close to Cabin Creek and Lick Creek in the southeast corner of Rowan County.
Aaron Hill Sr’s neighbor, Joseph Wilson appears to have died a short-time after completing his will on October 18, 1803. In his will, “Joseph Wilson of Randolph County & state of N. Carolina” named his son John Wilson, son Henry Wilson, son Samuel Wilson, daughter Mary Wilson, daughter Abigail Wilson, and his sister Mary Chamberlane; and named his brother-in-laws Samuel Charles and Abraham Symons the executors.[52] On June 11, 1780, “Joseph Wilson son of John Wilson of the County of Pasquotank” was married to “Sarah Charles daughter of Samuel Charles of the of Pasquotank” at the Symons Creek Monthly Meeting in Pasquotank County, North Carolina. The Quakers attending the wedding included Jacob Hill, Mose Hill, Jesse Hill, Robert Hill, Joseph Wilson’s mother Rachel Wilson, and Thomas Hill. Joseph Wilson was born on November 11, 1760; and his son Samuel Wilson was born on January 27, 1787.[53] Strikingly, the autosomal DNA of the great-granddaughter of Thomas Allen Wilson matched 14 cM across one segment with the 3rd Great-granddaughter of Eleazar Wiley Wilson, who was the grandson of Joseph Wilson and the son of Samuel Wilson.
Other potentially related autosomal DNA matches of the great-granddaughter of Thomas Allen Wilson:
Match of 12 cM across one segment with a 3rd Great-grandson of William Wilson Sr (1750-1800) through his son William Wilson Jr (1798-1841), who was reported to have been born in Randolph County (North Carolina) on June 20, 1798;
Match of 12 cM across one segment with a 3rd Great-grandson of William Wilson Sr (1750-1800) through his son William Wilson Jr (1798-1841), who was reported to have been born in Randolph County (North Carolina) on June 20, 1798;
Match of 8 cM across one segment was a 5th Great-granddaughter of Elijah Abraham Wilson (1778-1858) through his daughter Mary “Polly” Wilson who was reported to have born in Randolph County, North Carolina.
On February 4, 1821, William Cox of Randolph County conveyed to William Willson of Randolph County 250 acres “on the water of Deep River” in Randolph County (North Carolina) in consideration of $375.[54]
A review of the limited information provided in the Wilson Surname Project did not reveal that any descendants of Joseph Wilson (1760-1803), Samuel Wilson (1787-1867), William Wilson (1750-1800), or John Wilson (1725-1776).
Prior to 1814, In North Carolina the mother of an illegitimate child could voluntarily appear before two justices of the peace and name the father of her child in a sworn statement; or the justices of the peace could summon the mother of an illegitimate child to be interrogated as to the identity of the father. Based solely on the mother’s sworn testimony, the named father was compelled by the justices to inter a “bastardy bond” with sureties to support the child at a set amount. If the named father refused, he could be bound over to a full session of the county court. To avoid this, many young men left the region and moved deeper into the frontier.
While no record was found for a Wilson or Aaron Hill in the Bastardy Bonds for Randolph County, a single Suzanna Reynolds of Randolph County had confessed that she was with child and that Nathan Pope was the father of the child on March 1, 1804.[55] Suzanna Reynolds appears to have been the daughter of Jeremiah Reynolds and his wife Susannah. “Samuel Wilson Son of Thomas Wilson Deceased & Elizabeth his wife of the County of Randolph & State of North Carolina and Christain Reynolds daughter of Jeremiah & Susanna Reynolds of the State & Country afforsaid” had been married during a Quakers monthly meeting “at Center in Guilford County” on January 30, 1799.[56]
Although autosomal DNA matches are less reliable for identifying distant relatives, matching the autosomal DNA of the great-granddaughter of Thomas Allen Wilson (1844-1920) was found to match 8 cM across one segment with a 3rd Great-granddaughter of Mary Hill who was born in Randolph County (North Carolina) on March 20, 1802; and matched 10 cM across one segment with a 6th Great-grandson of Christopher Hill (1787-1869). The parents of both Mary Hill and Christopher Hill were Jesse Hill (1758-1847) and his wife Mary who were Quakers attending the Back Creek Monthly Meeting.[57] “Jesse Hill son of Aaron Hill Dec’d and Mary Prichard daughter of Benson (?) Prichard both of the County of Pasquotank in North Carolina” were married “near Newbegan Creek” on March 1, 1786. Attending the wedding was Jesse Hill’s brother, Aaron Hill.[58] Similarly, the great-granddaughter of Thomas Allen Wilson matched 10 cM across one segment with a 6th Great-granddaughter of Huldah Hill (1737-1817). Born in Pasquotank County, Huldah Hill (1737-1817) was the daughter of Aaron Hill (1707-1761); married Samuel Bundy (1742-1815), and died in Back Creek (Randolph County, NC). Similarly, the great-granddaughter of Thomas Allen Wilson matched 10 cM across one segment with a 6th Great-granddaughter of Huldah Hill (1737-1817); 8 cM across one segment with a 5th Great-granddaughter of William Hill (1740-1815). Born in Pasquotank County, Huldah Hill (1737-1817) was the daughter of Aaron Hill (1707-1761); married Samuel Bundy (1742-1815), and died in Back Creek (Randolph County, NC). A son of Aaron Hill (1707-1761), William Hill’s (1740-1815) daughter Margaret Hill (1763-?) married Christopher Bundy (1758-1835) who was the brother of Samuel Bundy (1742-1815).
Huldah Hill (1737-1817) and her brother William Hill (1740-1815) are the children on Aaron Hill (1707-1761) and his wife Margaret. Aaron Hill (1752-1835), Jesse Hill (1758-1847), and Thomas Hill (1760-1814), were sons of Aaron Hill (1707-1761) and his second wife (Miriam Overman?).[59] According to a well sourced family tree, Aaron Hill (1707-1761) was the son of William Thomas Hill (1675-abt1750), grandson of Sargent James Hill (1636-1721); great-grandson of William Hill (1576-1649); and 2nd-great-grandson of James Hill (1548-?). William Thomas Hill (1675-abt1750) was reported to have been born in Boston (Massachusetts), migrated down to Perquimans County (North Carolina), and died in Chowan County; and William Hill (1576-1649) had left England and arrived in Windsor (Connecticut) in 1633.
If this can be verified, William Hill (1576-1649) or his son Sargent James Hill (1636-1721) could be the common male ancestor of the descendant of Joseph Albert Price (1813-1893) and the great-grandson of Thomas Allen Wilson. Likewise, the descendants of Sterling Hill (1782-1858) and Ezekiel L. Hill (1820-1893) may have been related to Aaron Hill (1752-1835) or his brother Jesse Hill (1758-1847). A review of the other family groups reported in the Hill Y-DNA Surname Project did not reveal that any descendants of Jesse Hill (1758-1847), his brother Aaron Hill (1752-1835), or Aaron Hill (1707-1761); had been tested.
However, “Group 09” the Hill Y-DNA Surname Project did included four descendants that reported their earliest known male ancestor was Thomas Hill who was born in Virginia about 1735-1740 and died in Randolph County (North Carolina) in 1800. The autosomal DNA of the great-granddaughter of Thomas Allen Wilson matched 20 cM across one segment with a 4th Great-grandson of Thomas Hill. Reported to have been the son of William Hill Sr (1701-1790) and Martha Green (1705-1790), this Thomas Hill was reportedly born on Caraway Creek in Randolph County (North Carolina) on May 31, 1741; and to have died on Caraway Creek in Randolph County (North Carolina) on March 7, 1798. Similarly, the great-granddaughter of Thomas Allen Wilson was found to match 8 cM across one segment with a 5th Great-grandson of Thomas Hill who was reported to have been born and died on Caraway Creek in Randolph County on the same dates.
Portrait of Doctor Hill (1796-1887) shared on Ancestry.com. Born in Randolph County (North Carolina), Doctor Hill was the son of John Hill (1767-1849) and Rachel Sargent (1773-1863); and reported to be the grandson of Thomas Hill who died on Caraway Creek (Randolph County, NC) on March 7, 1798.
Other potentially related autosomal DNA matches of the great-granddaughter of Thomas Allen Wilson:
Match of 11 cM across one segment with a 3rd Great-granddaughter of Harris Hill, who was born in Randolph County, North Carolina on July 10, 1801;
Match of 9 cM across one segment was a 5th Great-granddaughter of John Hill Sr, who was born in Randolph County, North Carolina on July 22, 1786;
Match of 8 cM across one segment was a 4th Great-grandson of Hannah Hill born May 11, 1793, Back Creek, Randolph County, North Carolina.
Inexplicably, listed in Ancestry.com there was a Robert Wilson as having been born in Randolph County (North Carolina) on March 22, 1804; died in Grayson County (Texas) on March 27, 1872; and is buried in the Mount Tabor Cemetery located a little over a mile east of the rural community in Sandusky.[60] Robert Wilson’s parents were reported to have been George Wilson (1775-1850) and Susanna Turrentine who were married in Orange County (North Carolina) on September 22, 1806;[61] and grants place George Wilson as living on the southeastern edge of Randolph County on the waters of Mill Stone Creek (about 22 miles east of the Quaker’s Back Creek Meeting House).[62] If this this Robert Wilson and/or Susanna Turrentine can be linked to Aaron Hill, this could how the Wilson surname was adopted if this Robert Wilson can also be linked to Allen Green Wilson(1819-1864).
The autosomal DNA of the great-granddaughter of Thomas Allen Wilson matched 9 cM across one segment was a 8th Great-granddaughter of Samuel Turrentine (1717-1801), who was the father of Susanna Turrentine.[63]
[3] Born on May 11, 1813, Joseph Albert Price died on January 9, 1893; and is buried in the Fentonville Cemetery in Chautauqua County, New York (findagrave.com memorial ID# 50353489).
“Mrs. Martha Kirwin, died at her home in West Cherry township, Montgomery County, Monday, in the 53rd year of her age. She leaves six children to mourn her loss, all of whom were absent at the time of her death except Albert. Her remains were buried in the Westcott Cemetery Tuesday, surrounded by a large number of sorrowing friends.”
“For Grandpa Frank to be born February 1855, he would have likely been conceived in or near Barry County, MO about May of 1854 by his mother, Martha Jane and his biological father. Family oral history says Martha Jane met Patrick Kirwin while she was “visiting kin” in Indiana. Martha’s likely mother, Edith Mankins Mills (wife of Enos Mills who d. in 1849 in Dade County, MO) married neighbor John R. Williams after his wife also died in the early 1850s. The two combined their families, sold both farms in Dade County and moved to property John already owned in Flat Creek Twnshp., Barry County, MO. Together they had one daughter named Narcissa b. abt. 1855, the same year Martha gave birth to her son, Francis Marion, which was probably a “complicating factor” that could explain why Martha was sent to Indiana to “visit kin.” John and Eady remained in Barry County until abt. 1862 when Eady apparently died. John married Elizabeth Roberson and moved to Greene County. Meanwhile, in July of 1855, 17 year old Martha, with her 5 month old son, married 54 year old Patrick Kirwin, an Irish Famine immigrant who likely had left a deceased family in Ireland. Patrick always treated Frank as his own and as far as Frank was concerned Patrick *was* his father.“
“To all those who shall come greetings…that Whereas John Hill, Martha Hill, and Mary Hill, then of Randolph Co., have conveyed to Issac Kearns land on the south side of Tom’s Creek it being part of a tract of land originally granted to William Hunter grant bearing date 1784, 103 1/3 acres conveyed by the indendture bearing date 14th day of January 1803 and during the minority of Sterling Hill late of the County and state afforesaid being and at the time of the execution the deed of conveyance a joint heir to the said land and promised on infant under twenty one years of age be it known that the said Sterling Hill for in consequence of the killing of a horse the property of the said Issac Kearns which the said Sterling Hill did voluntarily take out of the possession of the said Issac Kearns and shoot and kill which said horse was valued at one hundred dollars and for the further consideration of the sum of $8.77 1/2 to John Hill in hand paid by the said Issac Kearns…” Indicating he was 21 year-old or older, Sterling Hill signed the document on October 21, 1813.
On February 6, 1809, “Sterling Hill of the County of Randolph & State of North Carolina” conveyed to “Isaac Kerns of County & State aforesaid” in consideration of $120 a tract of land in Randolph County “on the South Side of Toms Creek & on the waters of Second Creek” which was part of a 640 grated to William Hunter. The indenture was signed by Sterling Hill.
On April 29, 1809, “Starling Hill of the County of Randolph and State of North Carolina” conveyed to “Nathan Elliott of the same County and State” 2¾ acres “in Randolph County and of South side of Toms Creek” for payment of $7.50. The indenture was signed by Starling Hill; and recorded in the November Term of 1824.
On May 14, 1810, “Sterling Hill of the County of Randolph & State of N. Carolina” conveyed to Huston Nonce? of the same County/State in consideration of $300 a tract of land “on the waters of Toms Creek & Second Creek” in Randolph County which was part of the land originally granted to William Hunter. The indenture was signed by Sterling Hill.
As this collaborative effort remains “a work in progress“, information found in the Family Pages posted in this project (Wilson Family Tree Album Blog) continues to be periodically updated with corrections and/or new information. Similarly, additional Family Pages are added as time permits. Although subscribers receive an automated notification of each new blog posted (see Snapshots in Time), the structure of the hundreds of branches each Family Page represents resulted in the adoption of a format that does not provide for a similar notification which is why it is important to check back from time to time to see what has been updated. To help, below is a list of recent updates to existing “Family Pages” and new “Family Pages” that have been recently added. Please note that we are always looking to add portraits and photos of the ancestors, their children with their spouses, and at times their grandchildren, so please contact us if you have any to share.
Please let us know if you find any corrections. Please note that questions and additional information can be posted by submitting a “Reply” at the end of any specified page. Again, appreciate all the time and assistance that makes this project possible.
Below is the third part of an e-book authored by William H. J. Manthorpe, Jr. titled “William DeWees of Germantown (1680-1745)“. While this book was written to be shared with his immediate family, William H. J. Manthorpe, Jr. graciously offered to share his book with descendants of Wilhelm “William” DeWees by posting segments of the book in our family blog. A descendant of Gerrit Hendricks de Wees (1641-1701) and Sijtske “Zytian” Lieuwes (1649-1703), William H. J. Manthorpe, Jr. is a retired naval intelligence officer and now researches, speaks, and writes on the naval heritage of Delaware. He is the author of two books (A Century of Service: The U.S. Navy on Cape Henlopen, Lewes, Delaware: 1898-1996 & American Naval Ships Named Delaware: Those Who Built Them and Sailed in Them) and has authored a number of articles published in the Journal of the American Revolution (including Father and Son: Patriots Who Gave Their All).
Below are links to Part One and Part-II of this e-book that were previously posted:
William M. Dewees was the son of William Dewees(1680-1745) of Germantown and his wife AnnaChristina Mehls (1690-1749).
His father, William, had come to Germantown with his parents and siblings in March 1690.[II] They settled on a 50-acre property on Germantown Avenue, next to the property of William Rittenhouse.[III] Rittenhouse soon established a papermill on a small tributary of Wissahickon Creek, itself a tributary of the Schuylkill River. That is credited as being the first papermill in British North America.[IV] Soon, young William of Germantown was working in the Rittenhouse paper mill, learning the trade and business from his older brother-in-law, Claus Rittenhouse.
After the Rittenhouse papermill was destroyed in a flood, the death of his father in 1701, and his mother in 1703, William, age 23 set out on his own in Germantown. He took a mortgage and maintained the original family home for himself and his two brothers.[V] As a freeholder, he began participating in the government of Germantown, holding a variety of positions. About 1704, twenty-four-year-old William Dewees married fourteen-year-old Anna Christina Mehls (1690-1749), the daughter of Hans Heinrich Mehls (1660-1715) and Anna Catherine (Stenin) Mehls (1674-1720).[VI]
In 1710, William Dewees bought 100 acres of land, farther northwest along Germantown Road from the original family home. It was on the south west side of Germantown Avenue, and on the west side of Wissahickon Creek, in Chestnut Hill, just at the edge of Germantown Township.[VII] He established a new family home and, on the creek nearby, he built the second papermill in Pennsylvania.[VIII]
Map 1: Estimated location of William DeWees family home (H) and papermill (M). Today in the Harpers Meadow area of Philadelphia’s Fairmount Park, there is a stone, marking the 1710 Dewees home in which William grew up.[IX]
Image on the Left: Dewees home as it appeared in about 1860. Courtesy Germantown Historical Society. Catalog 2010.361.1. According to the Historical Society, by that time, most originally stone homes had been covered with stucco. Image on the Right: Dewees house by Frank H. Taylor. From Frank H. Taylor, Old Philadelphia, image #368.
Once, William had established a business and had his own home, he and Anna Christina settled down to start their family. Two sons, Garrett (III-1,1710- 1778) and William M. (III-4,1711-1777), and a daughter Christina E. (III-2, ?-1782). were born.[X]
Only three years later, however, William sold his mill, and the 100 acres of land on which he had established it, to a group of investors led by Claus Rittenhouse. He and Anna Christina continued to live in the home and he continued to operate the mill, along with a Rittenhouse in-law. During that time, another son, Henry (III-5/1716- 1801) was born.[XI]William turned his attention to establishing and sustaining a Reformed Church for the growing number of German immigrants to Pennsylvania. Today he and the combined Reformed Church at Whitemarsh he organized and supported are considered to be the foundation of the “Reformed” church denominations in the United States.[XII]William M. grew up in this home, which also served as his father’s church. He enjoyed a boys typically carefree life, exploring the nearby open fields and wading in the creek. Eventually, he wandered farther afield on the vast lands of the Farmar family. There he met Rachel Farmar (1712-1777).[XIII]
She was the daughter of Edward Farmar (1672-1745).[XIV] He was the youngest surviving son and heir of Jasper Farmer. Jasper Farmar had been granted extensive land holdings by William Penn with the stipulation that the family sell 100-acre plantations to others.[XV] Jasper never came to Pennsylvania and his older sons died at sea. Edward established his home and grist mill on some of the property.
A portion of Thomas Holmes’ “A Mapp of Ye Improved Part of Pensilvania in America, Divided Into Countyes, Townships and Lotts….” (circa 1687).[XVI] Map shows how Dewees and Farmar families were neighbors. 1-The Farmar lands and location of the Farmar home and mill in 1690.[XVII] 2-The location of the Dewees home and paper mill in 1710. That Dewees home and paper mill were described as “adjoining the Proprietor’s Mall of Springfield.“[XVIII] 3-Thus, originally, the two families were divided by a narrow strip of Springfield land. At some point, William Dewees acquired that land, making the families immediate neighbors.[XIX]
William M. Sets Out in Life
In 1735, William M. married Rachel Farmar. Despite his father’s leadership of the Whitemarsh Reformed Church, William M. and Rachel were married in what was known then as the “Little Church at Whitemarsh.” That church had been established on land that had been donated by Rachel’s father.[XX]
After their marriage, the couple lived on Farmar land in Whitemarsh, close to Rachel’s parents. They soon had three sons: Farmar Dewees (III-4-25, 1736-c.1782-88)[XXI] William Farmar Dewees (III-4-20, 1739-?)[XXII] and Thomas Dewees (III-4-21, 1742-1783).[XXIII]William M. was engaged in helping Edward Farmar sell off portions of his land in accordance with his grant from Penn. On January 31, 1738, in the Pennsylvania Gazette, in a list of numerous properties that Edward Farmer, was selling was (see below).[XXIV]
In 1742, William M. was a member of the vestry at the Whitemarsh church.[XXV]
When his father, William, died in 1745, he only left William M. a token of five shilling in his will. When Edward Farmer died in 1745, Rachel inherited “Some lands [that] cannot be sold until the leases have been expired.”[XXVI] One of the executors of the will was Peter Robeson, a brother-in-law of Rachel.[XXVII] Upon selling to relatives, he insured that there were “18 ¼ acres exempted granted by said Peter Robeson to William DeWees, inn holder of Germantown.”[XXVIII]
In December 1749, Robeson along with the other executors sold William M. another 64 acres in Whitemarsh, perhaps adjacent to the original 18 acres.
Map 3 shows land owned by William M., acquired in 1747. And still owned in 1777. This is likely part of the land Rachel inherited at her father’s death. Map 4 shows land William M. stilled owned in 1777 that is likely the remaining part of the lands William received from the executors of Edward Farmar’s estate. Map 5 shows the Dewees lands in 1777 in relationship to each other. On map 5, #1 is the land of William shown in map 3; #2 is the land of William shown in map 4; outlined in red the narrow strip of Springfield Township that in William M.’s youth, separated Dewees land from Farmar lands. That strip was acquired by William of Germantown at some point and sold in 1738 to William M.’s brother Henry Dewees (III-5/1716- 1801). Within that area it shows the mills (circled) owned by Henry. Also shown are the Dewees 1710 home and papermill (underlined), which by 1777 had been sold to the Paul family. The second papermill (small circle), still owned by Henry in 1777. And the former family lands (x) in Chestnut Hill reacquired by Henry in 1767-68.[XXIX]
Then on February 3, 1747, a notice was posted in “The Pennsylvania Gazette” that “To be SOLD” was “ten acres of land, and a young orchard on it” that was in possession of William M. as the “inn holder” (see below) It was his inheritance.[XXX]
Clipped from page 4 of the Friday edition of “The Pennsylvania Gazette” (dated February 3, 1747).
William M. and Rachel had five more children, including a son, Samuel (III-4-22, ?)[XXXI] and daughter, Rachel (III-5-24, 1759-1815).[XXXII]
By 1750, William M. was establishing the financial and social foundations of life for his family. He had warrants for buying or selling three plots of land totaling 450 acres. In 1751, he placed his eldest son, Farmar, in the new Philadelphia Academy.[XXXIII] He would be educated along with the scions of the Philadelphia elite.
William M. Dewees Becomes an Important and Prosperous Citizen
Once financially and socially secure, William M. began contemplating life as a public official. To do that, he could rely on another family.
Since their arrival in Germantown, the Dewees and Potts families had remained close.[XXXIV]William Dewees (1680-1745) was active in establishing papermills and churches.[XXXV] Thomas Potts Jr. (1680-1752), acquired iron furnaces and forges.[XXXVI] They served as town officials together. William M. and the Potts boys, John (1709/10-1768) and Thomas (1720-1762) were contemporaries in the small town.
John Potts joined his father to build the largest iron production and distribution empire in colonial America.[XXXVII] At his father’s death in 1752, he inherited much of that empire and became the family patriarch controlling the business. He acquired a large plantation on the Schuylkill River, laid it out as a village, and built himself a mansion named “Pottsgrove.” Other family members built homes and established businesses there.[XXXVIII] John Potts was soon was appointed justice of the peace for that area of the county.
At this time, John Potts also acquired the Mt. Joy Forge. It was located about 15 miles down the river from Pottsgrove, on Valley Creek. It was known locally as “the valley forge.” The works consisted of a forge, sawmill and stone house. John added a grist mill.[XXXIX]
In 1757, William M. was appointed justice of the peace for the Whitemarsh area of Philadelphia County. Justices of the peace were the senior public officials in their home area. Collectively, they sat as the Justices of the Courts of Common Pleas, Quarter Sessions of the Peace and Orphans Courts of the City and County of Philadelphia. Thus, William M. and John Potts often worked together. The justices also performed a wide variety of other public duties.[XL] This position made William M. a well-known and busy man, which built his reputation. He was known as “William Dewees, Esq“.
John Potts younger half-brother, now known as Thomas Potts, Jr. (1720-1762), had inherited substantial portions of the Potts iron empire.[XLI] When he died, his executors included one of “… my beloved frends [sic] William Dewees sener of White Marsh, Esq.” His holdings in the ironmaking empire passed to his large family.[XLII] His eldest daughters, Sarah Rutter Potts (1748-1767)[XLIII], and Hannah Potts (c 1743-c1799)[XLIV] received the proceeds from the sale of his substantial Philadelphia property. Further, Sarah had been a favorite companion of her grandfather, who, earlier, had left her his “riding mare and a side saddle”, but also a monetary “legacy.”[XLV] The next year, William M.’s son, William F., married Sarah Potts. His son Thomas married her sister, Hannah Potts.
These connections with the Potts family determined the roles that William M. and his sons would play in the Revolution.
By 1764, William M. had become prosperous enough to build a home “…on the property Rachel had inherited at her father’s death,…” “…at Whitemarsh.” William M. had the initials D above W&R carved on the gable end.[XLVI] They would retain this home and property until their deaths.
Location of William M.’s home property, (in red) in relation to St. Thomas Church property today (background).[XLVII]
In 1769, William paid taxes in Whitemarsh Township on 140 acres, four horses, five cattle, two servants.[XLVIII]
As William M.’s tenure as justice of the peace ended in 1770, he began to have political interests. In 1769, he bought property in the City of Philadelphia’s Mulberry Ward near the Pennsylvania State House.[XLIX] At that time, Mulberry Ward was the most populated of the city’s ten wards.[L]William M. established a home in that area and Rachel joined him in 1771.[LI] They sold some of their property in Whitemarsh, but kept their home near St. Thomas Church.[LII]
Mulberry Ward, City of Philadelphia as of 1705, overlaid on current, buildings, streets and area of Independence National Park. Arch to Race, Fifth to Sixth Streets was the area of development at the time. (They don’t exist in that area today) The Ward was gradually extended west until disestablished as an entity in 1786.[LIII]
William M.’s Sons, William F. and Thomas Join the Potts Family
Over this same period, William F. had become integrated into the Potts family business. At Pottsgrove, He, first, ran a tavern owned by John Potts. Then, in 1765, he rented one of John’s two gristmills near Pottsgrove. Also, in 1765, the couple’s first daughter Rachel (III-4-20-38, 1765-1848) was born. In April 1767, when John Potts signed his will, William F. along with his brother Thomas Dewees and John Potts’ son, David Potts (1741-1798), were the witnesses.[LIV]
By 1767, William F. had acquired three lots in Pottstown and other property.[LV] Another daughter followed in 1767.[LVI] Then, sadly, in 1767, Sarah died. How and exactly when is unknown, but perhaps in childbirth. She is buried in Devon, Chester County.[LVII]
On November 15, 1769, William F. married Rachel Waters (1748-1822).[LVIII] Rachel was the daughter of Thomas (1719-1795) and Ann (Bartholomew) Waters, prosperous citizens of Tredyffrin. That township lay across the creek in Chester County from the Mount Joy Forge which was in Upper Merion Township of Philadelphia County. In 1769 William F. paid taxes on “one horse” in Upper Merion Township, suggesting that he was already using the forge property as a home base while courting Rachel.[LIX]
Despite the death of Sarah and a new wife, William F. remained an accepted member of the Potts family and business empire. In 1771, Joseph Potts (1742-1804) made William F. a partner to rent and operate Glasgow Furnace near Pottsgrove. Joseph had just married the daughter of Samuel Powel, a politically and socially prominent Philadelphian.[LX] Joseph was engaged in the marketing end of the iron business in Philadelphia and was beginning to reduce his involvement in other parts of the Potts’ family businesses.
In 1773, Joseph transferred his ownership of the Mt Joy Forge and 300 plus acres of land equally to his brother David Potts (1741-1798) and William F.[LXI] Isaac Potts, (1750-1803), another brother of Joseph, had inherited the Mt. Joy grist mill.[LXII] He built a home there. Soon, however, he moved to Pottsgrove to build a home and start a tannery. He kept the new Mt. Joy house to use as a vacation or rental home. He rented the grist mill to William F., who became the resident manager of the entire consolidated “Valley Forge” complex.[LXIII] By 1774, he was fully ensconced at Valley Forge and moved his family, temporarily, into the Ironmaster’s Mansion.[LXIV] David Potts remained in Philadelphia to sell the products of the forge.
Also in 1773, William F., separately from David, acquired some property in Charlestown, Township, Chester County, about five miles west of Valley Forge.[LXV] Most importantly, he acquired property in Tredyffrin Township, Chester County, adjacent to property of his father-in-law Thomas Waters.[LXVI] This was to be his family home, where his wife and children would be more comfortable than living in the old stone house amidst an industrial operation.
In 1775, William F. built a new forge, farther upstream on the opposite side of the creek in a relatively hidden area in Tredyffrin Township. It was soon used to produce cannonballs and armaments for the Continental Army (see Map 8 below).[LXVII]
During this same period, William F.’s brother Thomas had also been taken into the Potts family. Thomas left Pottsgrove and moved to Potts property in Douglas Township, Berks County.[LXVIII] John Potts’ son, Samuel (1736-1795), had been named sole executor of his father’s will, with the heavy responsibility of selling off his father’s vast land holdings and businesses. Thomas was assisting in that process. In March 1769, he was responsible for selling four 200-acre plantations and another 350-acre property with forge, home and support buildings from the estate on John Potts in Berks County.[LXIX] Serving the family in that role, provided a comfortable home and life for Hannah and Thomas. From 1762 until 1772, they had five children.[LXX] It did not, however, lead to a more permanent and lucrative position in the family business.
MAP 8: Valley Forge, 1775.[LXXI] Annotations by author: 1-Grist mill inherited by Isaac Potts and rented to Wiliam F; 2-Isaac Watts house. Rental. Later Washington’s Hq; 3-William F.’s residence; 4-David Potts house. Valley Forge winter bakehouse.
William M., Sheriff of Philadelphia
In 1773, just as his son was getting established at Valley Forge, William M. ran a notice in the Pennsylvania Gazette soliciting votes for election as Sheriff of Philadelphia.[LXII] It is likely that he had been encouraged to do so by members of the Potts family. Joseph Potts, whose father-in-law Samuel Powel, was preparing to run for Mayor of Philadelphia, was one of three men who made William M’s. bond as sheriff.[LXIII] Thomas Potts III (1735–1785), son of the Thomas Potts Jr. (1720-1762), who called William M. his “beloved friend” was a well-connected and influential member of the Philadelphia elite, active in politics and public safety activities at the time.[LXIV]
In the election of 1773, William M. was one of two individuals receiving the most votes for sheriff. He was the one selected and commissioned by the governor on October 4, 1773.[LXXV] He did the same again in 1774 and, was reappointed. His appointment was reaffirmed and he continued in his position after being exonerated by a hearing of a complaint that had been filed against him.[LXXVI] In 1775, he thanked the voters for their past support and solicited their support for his “third and last year.” He was elected and appointed by the governor.[LXVII]
The Sheriff was the chief law enforcement officer for the city and county of Philadelphia.[LXXVIII] As such, he was responsible for enforcing criminal law by supervising the constables and the Night Watch in their duties.[LXXIX] He accepted their prisoners, investigated and determined their crime, and presented the prisoners to the courts.[LXXX] He was also the senior officer of the courts, enforcing civil law by taking bail, employing the constables to convey prisoners to and from confinement, using the constables to serve of writs and summons, supervising elections and retaining possession of the ballots, and holding sheriff’s sales.[LXXXI]William M. Dewees period of elected service, from 1773 through 1776, was not in ordinary times. It was during the height of revolutionary fervor and of growing civic opposition to both the British Parliamentary and Penn Proprietary governments. Committees of opposition had been formed with the encouragement of the first Continental Congress. They had been taken over by the most radical anti-Parliament figures in the city. They began exercising some law enforcement, judgment and punishment functions in parallel to the established governmental system. William M. would have to deal with confrontations, detainments, and judicial decrees against citizens and business by those organizations.[LXXXII] They soon began assuming some of the legal, economic and defense functions of the government and assembly, until a Committee of Safety was created.[LXXXIII] That committee had broad discretionary powers overseeing and directing activities for defense and public safety. It made the local responsibilities and authority of the sheriff, much clearer.
A greater responsibility of SheriffWilliam M. had national implications. Philadelphia was the seat of both the Pennsylvania Assembly and the Continental Congress. It became the venue for political turmoil and mass meetings to pressure those bodies to move toward independence.[LXXXIV]
By long tradition and common law, the sheriff had the power of posse comitatus, the “power of ordering to the sheriff’s assistance the whole strength of the county in order to suppress unlawful force and resistance.”[LXXXV] This authority enabled Sheriff Dewees to call upon Chief Constable James Delaplaine and his constables to maintain crowd control during large public gatherings.[LXXXVI]
Thus, Sheriff William M. and the constables were present at the Pennsylvania State House, during some of the historic events leading to independence and revolution.[LXXXVII]
The December 1773 “Philadelphia Tea Party,” when 8000 gathered contemplating a “tar and feathering.”[LXXXVIII]
The June 1774 mass meetings, when several thousand voters assembled to form the Pennsylvania Committee of Correspondence.[LXXXIX]
In November 1774, when a “respectable number of inhabitants” assembled and formed Committees of Observation and Inspection to monitor and enforce the Continental Association.[XC]
In April 1775, after news of Lexington and Concord, when nearly 8000 people gathered, many with arms. They re-formed the historic “Association” into a formal militia.[XCI]
On May 6, 1776, during the hotly contested assembly elections, when he closed the polls early and the radicals did not get assembly representation in Philadelphia.[XCII]
On May 20 1776 when, 4000 people gathered in the rain in the State House Yard to pressure Pennsylvania’s congressional delegates to vote for independence.[XCIII]
Having stood by and watched while history was made, William M. finally had his chance to participate in the final event. In accordance with the directions of Congress, on July 6, 1775, the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety directed:
“…the Sheriff of Philad’a read or Cause to be read and proclaimed at the State-House, in the City of Philadelphia, on Monday, the Eighth day of July, instant, at 12 o’clock at noon of the same day, the Declaration of the Representatives of the United Colonies of America and that he cause all his officers and Constables of said city to attend the reading thereof.”[XCIV]
July 8, 1776 was a warm, sunny day in Philadelphia. At eleven o’clock that morning, church bells rang. At the first bell, the governing Committee of Safety had assembled in their chamber. Meanwhile, the opposing radicals of the Committee of Inspection, convened at the Philosophical Hall and soon met with the Committee of Safety.[XCV]
As the bells continued, several thousand people gathered in the State House yard in front of a crude platform. It was at the east end against the wall.[XCVI] The bells stopped at noon and a two-by-two procession entered the State House yard. At the head were constables, then the Sheriff of Philadelphia, William Dewees, and Coroner, Robert Jewell, and their deputies. Following behind were the Committee of Safety and the Committee of Inspection. Sheriff William Dewees climbed to the platform with Colonel John Nixon, close behind, along with members of the Committee of Safety and local dignitaries. Dewees approached the railing and declared:
“Under the authority of the Continental Congress and by order of the Committee of Safety, I proclaim a declaration of independence.”
Colonel Nixon then stepped forward and proceeded to read the document. A loud applause erupted with the opening sentence. As Colonel Nixon continued to read, those in attendance occasionally interrupted with applause. When he finished, the State House bell rang once more to three hearty huzzahs from the audience. Later that evening, the citizens cheered and celebrated with a great bonfire, while church bells tolled through the clear, starry night.[XCVII]
After the declaration, the radicals from the Committee of Inspection removed the king’s arms first from the courthouse and then from the statehouse. Their men who had been elected at the meeting earlier that day, immediately formed a convention to write a new constitution for the new state in accordance with the congressional resolution introduced by John Adams on May 15 1776. Meanwhile, they assumed a degree of executive and legislative power, which practically superseded the assembly, deposed the governor and the proprietary government.[XCVIII]
A patrol and guard were instituted at the request of the officers of the associators. There were three patrols, each having a separate district assigned to it, each composed of a commissioned officer and four privates, who traversed the streets from eleven o’clock at night until daybreak, not superseding, but assisting and supplementing, the city night watch. The chief guardhouse was adjoining the prison, Market Street above Third. A guard was stationed at the State House, and the patrol service was apportioned among the associator companies then in the city.[XCIX] Again, there was another law enforcement organization with which Sheriff William M. would have deal.
Despite all this fanfare, political turbulence, and William M.’s role in it, the newspapers for that day also carried notices of sheriff’s sales, signed by William M.[C] He would continue in his position, despite being appointed by the former governor, under the new radical administration.
Thomas Dewees, Jailer of Philadelphia
In 1773, when he began operating as sheriff, working with the constables, and remanding people to the City of Philadelphia Stone Prison,[CI]William M. learned that the situation there was deplorable.
By 1770, the jail had earned the nicknames “school for crime” or “seminary for vice.” When a committee of the Pennsylvania Assembly had inspected the prison, they found thirty-two men and twelve women, both debtors and minor criminals, confined together. The conditions were wretched; overcrowding, brutality and bribery were common. Debtors received no public support. In 1770, one had died of starvation, two more would die in 1772, and three in 1773. Criminals received public support only after trial and sentencing. The jailers and turnkeys had traditionally extorted money from them, sold liquor, and withheld food and other necessary goods for payment.[CII]
The Pennsylvania Assembly realized that it should ameliorate the prisoners’ conditions. In 1772, it had passed laws providing some minimal support for both debtors and prisoners awaiting trial. In 1773, it appropriated funds for a new prison. It was built at Sixth and Walnut Streets, across from the State House. Designed by a noted Philadelphia architect, it was a large U-shaped building, aesthetically pleasing on the outside. Inside, however, there were still large rooms without amenities meant to hold many prisoners.[CIII]
As part of that effort to improve conditions for the prisoners, William M. arranged for his son Thomas, to become the jailer at the Stone Prison.[CIV] In June 1775, the Committee of Safety was formed and the jail and jailer came under its control. Through the fall of 1775, the committee was continually remanding prisoners into Thomas’ care and paying his claims for their support.[CV]By December 1775, however, Jailer Thomas Dewees and the Workhouse Keeper, James Whitehead, had informed the Committee of Safety that “…the badness of the Gaol and Workhouse [i.e., the Stone Prison] is dangerous & inconvenient to the Prisoners.” The committee resolved that “…the Prisoners confined by this Board, agreeable to the directions of Congress, be removed to the New Gaol [Walnut Street Prison]….” Thomas was directed to start moving the soldiers, and sailors in the jail and workhouse first and turn them over to the committees’ representative, Thomas Apty, at the Walnut Street Prison until a proper jailer moved into it.[CVI] At least temporarily, Thomas was responsible for two jails.
In early January 1776, John Connolly, a Lieutenant Colonel in Virginia’s Loyalist militia and Lieutenant Alan Cameron, who was traveling with him, were brought to the Stone Prison.[CVII] They had been captured in Maryland while Connolly was carrying letters from Lord Dunmore, Colonial Governor of Virginia, to General Thomas Gage, British Commander in Boston.
The Committee of Safety directed that they be held “…without Pen Ink or paper and from all intercourse with other persons….” Two weeks later, Dr. John F.D. Smyth, an English plantation owner from Maryland, who had been traveling with them but had escaped, was recaptured carrying some of the letters, and was brought to the prison.[CVIII]
In mid-January, the notorious Colonel Moses Kirkland, was also remanded by congress to the prison. He had been captured at sea by one of George Washington’s ships while he had been carrying provisions from Lord Dunmore to General Gage.[CIX]
They were not the kind of men who would accept prison meekly.[CX] They would be the undoing of Thomas Dewees.[CXI]
In late January, the first 105 prisoners, including Connolly, Cameron and Smyth, were moved to the “new and elegant” Walnut Street Prison.[CXII] Connolly and Cameron were confined in a damp room, locked, with the window sashes nailed shut. Cameron claimed the room was injurious to his health and he was having violent fits of sickness. He, somehow, got a letter to a member of congress.
Smyth was also complaining. He begged to write to congress. Although Thomas had been told to hold his prisoners without pen and ink, he offered Smyth a pencil and playing card on which to write. As a result of his plea, Smyth was received politely at congress. They offered to improve his situation, but when he returned it was much the same as before.
Soon, however, he was offered parole, but refused because Connolly and Cameron had not been offered parole. Smyth was then moved in with Connolly and Cameron. Apparently as a result of Smyth’s plea and Cameron’s letter, three eminent Philadelphia doctors visited them, as well as a group from congress. As a result, the windows were unlocked and they were allowed to walk in the yard for two hours each day.
Colonel Moses Kirkland must have been offered similarly lenient treatment. On May 8, he escaped the prison.[CXIII] As a result, Congress resolved that the Committee should “examine the Conduct of the Gaoler … and if they find him Culpable, that they have him removed. A committee of investigation was formed.”[CXIV] On later examination, one Tory testified that, he had been in the jail three weeks before Kirkland made his escape. He had heard Kirkland say that “he could manage the matter with the Gaoler if he had Friends in the City to facilitate his escape.”[CXV]
The investigation showed that he had found those friends. Soon, Arthur Thomas and his son Arthur Thomas Jr. were imprisoned by order of congress for assisting Kirkland to escape and warrants were out for the elder and younger John Haton for the same offense.[CXVI]
After Kirkland’s escape, Connolly was ordered into a room with a large group of South Carolina military prisoners recently captured and being held more securely as prisoners of war. Left behind, Cameron requested parole or, at least, to be moved upstairs to the room with them. The committee agreed, but Thomas Dewees would not do it until Cameron had paid his bill for his last five weeks of food, candles, fire and a bottle of wine.
That was too much for Cameron. He paid. Then, he wrote a series of letters to the committee of safety complaining of the conditions in which he was held. Finally, he wrote an eloquent letter complaining as a “gentleman” and telling of “insulting notes” and “exorbitant charges” for food and drink from Dewees, and he also attached the bills. One bill showed a note from Dewees declaring that, “I shall expect that you pay the bill before you go upstairs, as it is a separate account and I am very much in want of money.” To another bill, Dewees had appended: “Unless you pay your bill with me this day, you need not expect any further subsistence from me….NB You’ll please take notice that I will sell your pistols, &c., to pay myself.”[CXVII] Cameron also sent a letter to congress asking that he be reimbursed for all the money Thomas had taken from him.
Smyth had the same problem, he wrote,
“…the Gaoler charged us at an extravagant rate for diet, fire, and candle besides an allowance that he received from the Congress for that purpose; by which means he exhorted every farthing of money from us, as far as our credit would then go. But being determined not to run to debt, I determined not to pay him anymore than the Congress allowed, and was obliged to subsist upon bread and water alone during seven weeks. This gaoler’s name was Thomas Dewees, as tyrannical, cruel, infamous a villain as ever disgraced human nature.”
Despite their complaints, as Loyalists held in the Walnut Street Prison by the Committee of Safety, they were relatively well treated by Thomas because they had friends in town who would provide them with money to maintain a decent life style. That was money Thomas could then extort from them.
The common prisoners remaining in the Old Stone Prison, being held pending trial or as debtors had it much worse. In March 1776, one prisoner wrote listing abuses at the prison including, beatings and locking people in solitary. He said of Thomas Dewees:
“There is not a Greater Brute on Earth; He is Proud, Cruell, [sic] and adveritious [sic] to the greatest degree and tenatious [sic] of his own Consequence and Athourity [sic], that he will never forgive or forget the slightest check to either.“
Another complained that Dewees had mistreated his wife, who had come to pay for his upkeep, and said Dewees had an “Evil and Spiteful Disposition.”
As a result of these and other complaints, in May, Congress resolved that the Committee should “examine the Conduct of the Gaoler … and if they find him Culpable, that they have him removed.“[CXVIII]
One wrote.
“I Cannot bear to see my Fellow Cretures [sic.] so Cruelly and Inhumanly treated by a Gaoler in every sence [sic.] of the word and totally divested of every sence of Feeling…I must give it is my real opinion, that I believe there is not a Human being upon earth that what has more Humanity in their Breast than the Present Gaoler…“
He describes at length several circumstances of mistreatment and abuse to a woman and boy prisoner and complains of the selling of spirits “…which must be the ruin of many Families” Then concludes,
“Be assured, there is not a greater Brute on Earth: He is a Proudly, Cruel and adveritious [sic.] to the greatest degree, and so tentatious [sic.] of his own Consequences and Athority [sic.], that he never forgives or forgets the slightest check to either.“[CXIX]
On 8 July, 1776, as his father mounted the platform against the wall at the east end of the State House yard to declare “a declaration of independence, on the other side of that wall was his son, Thomas. Thomas heard that proclamation by his father, even if he were not in the crowd to witness it.[CXX] As jailer of the Stone Prison located adjacent to the State House, he was confining those who would be its future citizens. Fortunately, independence would bring relief from Thomas’ harsh treatment.
With the disbanding of the former government, there were no courts in existence. An order was issued discharging debtors from jail on the surrender of their property for the benefit of their creditors, those in confinement based on a writ issued during a civil case were freed upon giving proper security. All prisoners would have their cases reviewed. All criminals could be discharged, except those guilty of capital offenses and practices against the present “virtuous measures of the American States.”[CXXI]
The Stone Prison began to empty. As originally intended, the new Walnut Street Prison would replace it. Thomas would now have just one jail to oversee. As new laws began to be passed, such as “speaking, writing, obstructing or opposing the measures of the United States for the defense of the freedom thereof,” the Walnut Street Prison began to fill up.”[CXXII]
Soon, Thomas, who was still temporarily in charge of the Walnut Street Prison, was directed to move common prisoners from the Walnut Street Prison back to the Stone Prison. The Walnut Street prison was to be used by Congress for state prisoners, such as Loyalists and prisoners of war. Thomas doubted the authority of the new administration to make those changes. He requested an indemnity to protect him from any consequences of the move. He was told to comply.[CXXIII] Congress also directed that “…the inhuman and dishonest extortioner Thos. Dewees” be removed as keeper of its Walnut Street Prison and told to return to the Stone Prison along with the prisoners who he was moving.[CXXIV]
In July, Congress appointed to the Walnut Street Prison:
“…two new gaolers, brothers, by the name of Jewell, if possible more barbarous and tyrannical than the former….The cruelties practiced in this place are almost incredible, and not to be exceeded, perhaps not equaled by the Spanish Inquisition.“
Cameron, Smyth and others decided to escape. Their first try failed.[CXXV] Smyth, however, soon managed to escape and return to the British side.[CXXVI] Fortunately, for Thomas the men were not in his custody and he would not be blamed. Unfortunately, for Thomas, he would meet Smyth again.
William M. and William F. as the Revolution Begins
With independence came war.
Even before William M. had declared independence, the first Dewees family members were at war. They were from the family of William M.’s younger brother Phillip, (III-8,1724-1778), who had moved to South Carolina. His son, Cornelius (III-8-34, 1745-1786), William M.’s nephew, helped build Fort Moultrie on Sullivans Island off Charles Town (Charleston) SC. He served there in late June 1776 as the fort repelled the first British attempt to capture that important port city. It is credited with being “the first great colonial victory of the Revolutionary War.”[CXXVII]
As William M. was proclaiming the Declaration, British troops were landing on Staten Island. Over the next month, the arrival of more ships would bring British Army under General William Howe to a total to 32,000 soldiers. On August 21, the British landed on Long Island. Washington’s army, including numerous members of the extended Dewees family was waiting.[CXXVIII]
By August 1776, William F.’s forge was producing gun barrel blanks and other war-related material for the Continental Army.[CXXIX] The most important facility nearby was the French Creek Powder Works. It was producing and storing gun powder for the Continental Army, both potentially dangerous operations.[CXXX]
In December 1776, the Council of Safety ordered the construction of a barracks for militia at the works.[CXXXI] William F. began trying to get an associator guard established there. On the 11th he wrote to the Council of Safety a long letter stating, “I think you will not have much assistance from the militia in these parts…The men and officers utterly refused going, as they were ill-used and behaved in such a manner as convinced me there could be no good done with them, some of whom I had advanced money to out of my own pocket….”[CXXXII]
Meanwhile, up north, Howe quickly outflanked and routed Washington. The army withdrew to Brooklyn Heights and then to Manhattan. Over the next months, Washington was forced out of Manhattan to Harlem Heights, then to White Plains, lost Ft. Washington and then Ft. Lee in New Jersey. After losing Fort Lee on November 20, Washington’s army was retreating south in New Jersey with General Lord Charles Cornwallis in pursuit. Washington got his army across the Delaware on December 8. Philadelphia seemed threatened.
It was during this time that Thomas Paine composed his pamphlet, “The American Crisis”, which began with the recognized phrase, “These are the times that try men’s souls”. Chaos reigned in Philadelphia as wounded and sick soldiers began arriving in town and families loaded their possessions onto wagons and fled west. Martial law was established. Sheriff William M. and the constables must have welcomed the assistance of the associator patrols while trying to maintain order and safety. Congress adjourned on the 12th of December and decamped to Baltimore.
Obligingly, instead of moving on Philadelphia, General Howe decided to settle his army in New Jersey and return to New York for the winter. That gave Washington the opportunity for his Christmas Eve crossing of the Delaware and his victories at Trenton and Princeton. Then he settled his army at Morristown, New Jersey for the winter of 1776-1777.
Life in Philadelphia could return to some degree of normality. After William M. had not run for sheriff again, in the election of November 1776, William Masters won.[CXXXIII] He declined to serve.[CXXXIV] While the office was officially vacant, William M. continued to serve into the 1776-1777 term.[CXXXV] His son Thomas was still the jailer of common criminals at the Stone Prison.
In February 1777, Congress returned. Under a new state constitution, Pennsylvania elected a unicameral Assembly, which appointed a Supreme Executive Council of twelve men instead of a governor. The courts were reorganized and a city court was established. It set about a general and much-needed “jail delivery.” A grand jury convened and found 21 “true bills” against local Tories. An additional sixty-seven Tories were brought into Philadelphia for confinement. Both jails became so full and the conditions were known to be so bad that the more reputable and respected Tories were confined to their country homes or sent out of town.[CXXXVI]
The Philadelphia Associators were commended by Washington for their valiant performance at Princeton and Trenton. The associators, however, did not quarter with the army at Morristown. Most deserted and returned home. While proud, they were ill-nourished, ill-clothed and fatigued. Most of all, they were angry that many others had not served to defend the city.
As a consequence, in March 1777, the Pennsylvania Assembly passed a militia bill, replacing the volunteer associators with a militia of all able-bodied male whites between the ages of eighteen and fifty-three. Exemptions were limited only to the educated upper classes and Quakers. It was a militia of the common man. An estimated 60,000 men were enrolled.[CXXXVII]
The administrative organization of the Pennsylvania Militia was “complicated.” Each county was to form a Battalion of eight local Battalion Districts of no less than 640 men. Officials titled “Lieutenant” were appointed for each county and “Sub-Lieutenant” for each district. These men were civilian officials under the direction of the civil government. They were also given courtesy military ranks of “Colonel” and “Lieutenant Colonel” respectively. These military ranks, however, gave them no military command authority.[CXXXVIII]
In Philadelphia County, William Coats was Lieutenant, or Colonel. Samuel Dewees, third son of William M., was one of the Battalion District Sub-Lieutenants, or Lieutenant Colonel.[CXXXIX] William F. became the Battalion district Sub-Lieutenant or Lieutenant Colonel for Tredyffrin, Schuylkill, and East Pikeland Townships of Chester County. In that position, he would be frustrated by his lack of military authority. Nevertheless, he was so active, and perhaps wore a uniform, that he was generally called “Colonel Dewees.”[CXL]
At the French Creek Powder Works on the morning of March 10, 1777, two explosions racked the stamping mill, lifting the roof from the walls. A fire broke out following the explosions. Peter DeHaven, the operator of the works, reported the explosion and his suspicions of sabotage to the council. He named the manager, Mr. Peck, and his workers along with Colonel Peter Grubb as the possible culprits. In doing so, he put William F. on the spot. DeHaven alleged that, on March 1, Colonel Grubb had been at the powder works and had “told Col. Dewees, let us blow it to hell.”[CXLI]
In the investigation of the matter by the Supreme Executive Council, William F. clarified that Colonel Grubb:
“….was greatly in liquor and behaved very madly, that among other things he said, that himself and four others could in spite of the Guards, blow the Powder Mill to Hell, and other words of like import. That he (Col. Dewees) then asked him why he did not do it, to which Col. Grubb replied, that he did not want to do it…”[CXLII]
That suggests that DeHaven had overheard the two men discussing the poor protection provided by incompetent assigned militia guards. The next day when William F. discussed raising a company of militia, Colonel Grubb agreed to join and go to camp with it. The Council, knowing Colonel Grubb’s personality, did not assign blame.[CXLIII]
At that same time, William F. also had cause to be concerned about the security of Valley Forge. The British were still wintered-down in New York, with Washington watching from Moorestown, they had come for Philadelphia once and were expected to do so again. Already, in early March, Thomas Mifflin, the Quartermaster General of the Continental Army, visited him at Valley Forge and told him that “he was establishing a Magazine of Continental Stores” and considered his property “as most suitable for that purposes from the situation and Number of Buildings.”
William F. was a patriot, but he was reluctant and asked for “a few Days to consider whether [storing the goods] might not be a means of drawing the British Army that Way and endanger his Property.” Mifflin reassured him that “if they should this situation would admit to a strong Defense or otherwise the stores would be timely removed. The Next Day fourteen teams loaded with Con’l Stores arrived by Order of …[the Commissary General] with orders to be unloaded and stored.” William F. went to Philadelphia and acquainted the commissary General “with the danger” of storing supplies at Valley Forge. He was told that General Washington had ordered the stores “about that distance from Philadelphia.”[CXLIV] In April, he was one of a number of individuals requested to provide 100 wagons for use in removing the public stores from Philadelphia.[CXLV]
As a result of the now considerable depot at Valley Forge, William F. wrote to the Council of Safety requesting that a “…Serjeants Guard of Militia [be] stationed at Valley Forge.” If a guard were posted he wanted to know how they would be “victualed,” likely suspecting that it would be his responsibility. He pointed out that arms and ammunition could be had from Mr. DeHaven at French Creek.[CXLVI]
In Philadelphia, the first Fourth of July was celebrated with a naval display, military review, and dinner for members of congress and other notables. There were illuminations, fireworks, and bells for the populace. Philadelphia was truly free of British influence. All former royal officials had been arrested by Sheriff William M. and sent to their country homes or west. A large number of Quakers were transported to Virginia, filing writs of habeus corpus at each stop.
Then, on July 30, 1777, an enormous British Fleet of warships, troop ships and supply ships arrived off Cape Henlopen. It appeared that the British were about to sail up Delaware Bay and attack Philadelphia. Then, inexplicably, they sailed away. Only on August 30, was it learned that they had sailed up Chesapeake Bay and landed General Howes Army at the Head of the Elk River.
William F. began thinking about “victualing” the troops of Washington’s Army that would meet them, and not having the product of the grist mill go to waste. He had written to the Board of War informing them that flour was spoiling at Valley Forge and asking them to authorize him to find and furlough “…six Bakers out of the Militia for the purpose of baking the flour into hard biscuit.”[CXLVII]
The Battle of Brandywine was fought on September 11, 1777. After the battle, Washington’s army had retreated piecemeal to Chester. He reformed it and, the next day, led the army 19 miles from Chester to Philadelphia, to Germantown. A couple of days later, he took it back across the Schuylkill and lined it along the Lancaster Pike from Paoli Tavern to White Horse Tavern at the Conestoga Rd. General Howe had moved his army north from Brandywine. A huge rainstorm caused an inconclusive Battle of the Clouds on September 16. Then, Howe moved his army along the Great Valley Road toward the Schuylkill River crossings, heading to Philadelphia. Washington moved back across the river to defend.
Meanwhile, on the night of September 16, Colonel Clement Biddle, the Continental Army Forage Master, who was engaged in removing supplies ahead of the advancing British army, had stopped at Valley Forge. William F. was there and reported that;
“The commissary’s stores include 2,000 barrels of flour and 1,000. Wt Bread which with some of the Flour is to go off to the Army at the Yellow Springs in the Morning with Five Waggons—Boats are orderd & Waggons to hawl them to the landing as early as possible. Colo. Biddle has directed them to the west Side of Schuylkill.“
William F. signed the report:
Biddle forwarded that to Washington.[CXLVIII]
William F. had already started to remove the stores, in the hope of saving them and his property.[CXLIX] He had also begun to move his family to his father-in-law’s home in Tredyffrin. Mrs. Woodford, who lived nearby on Gulph Road, later claimed that,
“… Colonel William Dewees’ wife had brought some trunks over to the house and asked her to keep them in her house [saying] that they were personal possessions and if the British came down to the Forge they would lose them…It turned out that Dewees’ uniform was in there along with his sword and other military regalia. When [Mrs. Woodford] afterward found out, she took the trunks and threw them into a quarry…”[CL]
In response to William F.’s report, Washington ordered his aide, Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Hamilton and Captain “Lighthorse Harry” Lee to remove or destroy the supplies stored at Valley Forge. Hamilton came from Washington’s headquarters and commandeered a boat to cross the river. Lee arrived with six mounted dragoons. They arrived at Valley Forge on the morning of September 18.
Hamilton had commandeered some barges to carry the supplies and had taken possession of a boat in case the enemy arrived and a retreat was necessary. To warn of that approach, Lee posted two of his mounted men as sentries on Mt. Joy, overlooking Valley Creek and the forge. Both precautions proved sound.
As Howe’s army was approaching to establish camp at Tredyffrin, a scout or local informant had reported army supplies in a barn three to four miles away at Valley Forge. In response, units of mounted dragoons and light infantry set out for Valley Forge on the morning of September 18.
The stage was set for the “Battle of Valley Forge.”[CLI]
As the British approached, Lee’s sentries fired warning shots and rode down the hill pursued by the British dragoons firing. Hamilton and the four dragoons with him boarded the boat and pushed off. Lee decided not to try to reach the boat because he would detain Hamilton’s group. He and two sentries escaped on horseback across a nearby bridge with the British firing on them with carbines and pistols from ten or twelve paces.
As Lee and the sentries got out of range, the British fired on Hamilton’s boat. He lost his horse and one civilian boatman man killed, and another wounded. Hamilton jumped into the river and swam ashore. The others later abandoned the boat when they reached the bank.[CLII]
When Hamilton arrived at headquarters, at Washington’s direction, he wrote to John Hancock, President of Congress, warning; “If Congress have not yet left Philadelphia, they ought to do it immediately without fail, for the enemy have the means of throwing a party this night into the city.”[CLIII] Congress left for Lancaster, Pennsylvania. In the city there was a panic with rumors “…about burning the city. Patrols were formed and arrests made.”[CLIV] Clearly, Sheriff William M. and the constables were still on duty.
Neither Hamilton nor Lee mentioned William F., nor the presence of militia in their reports of the action at Valley Forge.[CLV] He was there and made a narrow escape as his horse was shot out from under him.[CLVI] He went to his father-in-law’s in Tredyffrin, to get his family away before the British settled in there.[CLVII] Fortunately for him but unfortunately for the family, he did not arrive before the British arrived.
A Tory woman named Brown led the British to the home. Rachel had gathered many valuables into one of the rooms, and told the enemy that they should only enter it over her dead body. Nevertheless, they searched the house looking for the family silver, cutting up all the feather beds in the house in their search. It was, fortunately, not there, but buried.[CLVIII]
William F.’s home was not the only one plundered while the British briefly occupied Treddyffrin.[CLIX]
Map 9: Tredyffrin Township, 1777.[CLX]The map shows the British acts of plundering (stealing) and depredation (attack with plundering) in Tredyffrin. See Potts & Dewees at Valley Forge in top center and Thomas Waters and William Dewees, Jr. upper right side.
On the 19th, the British sent an additional two units of light infantry and grenadiers to reinforce Valley Forge in case the Continentals returned. “…[They] arrived at Valley Forge and burned the mansion-house of Colonel Dewees.”[CLXI]
Major Caleb North of the Tenth Pennsylvania Regiment, on reconnaissance at the top of Mount Joy, witnessed a:
“…huge conflagration along Valley Creek that lit up the slopes of Mount Joy illuminating the rushing waters of the Schuylkill and filling the valley with embers and smoke…Streams of golden sparks shot high into the starlit night as the billowing flames silhouetted the last of his majesty’s troops.”[CLXII]
According to William F., the British destroyed both forges, the sawmill, two large stone dwelling houses, two coal houses, 400 loads of coal, and 2,200 bushels of wheat and rye in the sheaf. They also took some of his personal possessions, including 44 sheep, six hogs and a mare. Isaac Potts’ grist mill was damaged but not destroyed and his house was undamaged.[CLXIII]
From Tredyffrin, William F. moved his family to the home of his aunt Christina (Dewees) Antes (III-2, 1702-1782)[CLXIV] and his cousin Colonel Frederick Antes (III-2-11, 1730-1801), across the river in Frederick Township.[CLXV] The Colonel was away with a militia unit guarding Swedes Ford.[CLXVI] The British crossed at Fatland Ford, just north of Swedes Ford, on the 22nd.[CLXVII] This necessitated a quick return home by Colonel Antes, just in time to welcome General Washington on September 23.
Washington set up his headquarters there until September 26.[CLXVIII] During that time, William F. and Washington met and talked. William F. certainly expressed concern for his father and mother in Philadelphia and a desire to go there to find them. Washington may have suggested some other services that William F. could perform.
Meanwhile, Congress left Philadelphia for York, Pennsylvania. Prominent citizens and many of the common folk left for New Jersey or the West. There was panic in the city with rumors “…about burning the city. Patrols were formed and arrests made.”[CLXIX]William M. the constables were still on the job as the British approached.[CLXX]
They would encounter a young fifer, who had just returned to Philadelphia after the battle of Brandywine.[CLXXI] As he told it later:
“On our day previous to leaving Philadelphia, I was out taking a walk around the city, on my return to the barracks I espied some fine looking cabbage in a back lot; I mentioned this to my comrades, and two of them and I agreed to go and procure a head apiece. I had just pulled up a head…. Whilst in this position I was surprised and taken prisoner by a “strapping big” negro,….The negro took me into the house, crying out at the same time “I have got a thief,” “I have got a thief”…and he made me carry the cabbage into the house in my hand. There happened to be some company with the man of the house that night…The circumstance of the negro being bailiff and catching me as he did, created some fine sport for them. The gentleman of the house asked me my name. I told him it was Samuel Dewees. Samuel Dewees (said he). Yes, sir, was my reply…He then asked me where my father lived. I told him that he lived in Reading. He then asked me what my father’s name was. I told him that it was Samuel Dewees. He then asked me what business my father followed. I answered by trade that he was a Leather Breeches maker. By these answers to his interrogations, he found that he and I were second cousins, his father’s, father [William, III,1680-1745] and my father’s, father [Cornelius, V, 1682-1734] having been brothers. This man’s name was William Dewees [William M., III-4, 1711-1777] who was then the High Sheriff of Philadelphia County…He upon finding the family connexion…told me to take the cabbage with me and come back the next day and bring my knapsack with me, and he would give me some bread, meat, potatoes, &….I was very glad, however to get off as I did, and the least of my thoughts were about returning….the British taking Philadelphia in a few days thereafter, September 26, 1777, we were forced to fly from the barracks.”[CLXXII]
The British Take Philadelphia and Capture William M. and Thomas
Once across the river, Howe moved his army inland to Ridge Pike and south to camp along Stoney Creek stretching from Ridge Pike to Germantown Pike in Norriton Township. From that area, Ridge Pike and Germantown Pike run almost parallel southeastward.
On the 25th, Howe moved his army in two columns. Leading one column, he moved along Germantown Pike. Cornwallis moved down Ridge Pike. At the point where these two roads came closest, they were connected by a short road local road. It ran northwest from Ridge Road only one-third of a mile past a newly-built log church[CLXXIII] to intersect with Germantown Road. At that point Germantown Pike turned sharply eastward away from Ridge Pike, which continued southerly. At that turn in Germantown Pike sat the property owned by William M. (See Map 4 above)
From there, Howe and his troops continued on Germantown Pike into Germantown. Howe set up his headquarters at Stenton House. Cornwallis continued on Ridge Pike and halted about five miles from Philadelphia.[CLXXIV] From there he sent in a declaration that “they did not intend to molest anyone in person or property and all were enjoined to remain peaceably and quietly in their own dwellings.”
On the 26th, General Cornwallis marched at the head of three thousand smart-looking soldiers down the Germantown Pike, past the village of Kensington, into the Northern Liberties and past the army barracks, which young Samuel Dewees had just left after his encounter with William M. From there the British marched straight down Second Street into Philadelphia.
William did not flee and wife Rachel stayed with him. They had, however, arranged for daughter Rachel to get out of town to the home of her brother William F. in Tredyffrin.[CLXXV]
Nothing definite is known about Sheriff William M. Dewees after the British arrived. Most likely, he was arrested and confined by the British occupiers. Hopefully, he was kept with officers in the State House. There, “…their Bedding & blankets were greatly deficient, that they had Sent in a Petition to Genl Howe relative to their Provisions & firing to Which they hoped An Answer but had not Recd it.”
If he had the misfortune to be held in the Walnut St. Prison with common soldiers, “…their Sufferings Are Very great. Many of them already Naked, with Very little Bedding & blankets Their Allowance of Provisions by no means Sufficient, with Very little firing.”[CLXXVI]
In such miserable circumstances, William M. died at age sixty-six. He was likely buried in the nearby Potter’s Field.[CLXXVII] Sadly, nothing is known about William M.’s wife, Rachel, either. In 1779, William M. and Rachel’s home in the Mulberry Ward was acquired by a tailor, Jacob Henrigle.[CLXXVIII] That, however, may not have been all the property he owned.[CLXXIX]
Thomas and Hannah had not fled either. In March before the British arrival n July, they had endured tragedy having to bury their nine-month-old daughter Hannah in Christ Church graveyard.[CLXXX]
Thomas had an unwelcome encounter with his former prisoner, Dr. Smyth, who had attached himself to the British army. As Smyth later told it,
“On the morning of the day that a detachment of the British army first entered Philadelphia a number of the rebels fell into my hands, and amongst the rest Thomas Dewees, the cruel, tyrannical gaoler, under whose iron talons I had suffered so long and severely. As soon as this wretch found that I was the officer commanding the party, his terror is not to be described, as he expected nothing less than immedate death; falling on his knees he begged for his life, and for mercy. I desired him to consider, what he merited from me? He acknowledged that he deserved neither favor nor compassion, said that his orders respecting me had been more rigorous than against any other, and owned that he had executed them in their full severity; but still most earnestly intreated forgiveness. I told him for the sake of his innocent wife and children (for he had a large family) that Britons were not of that vindictive disposition he had expected and represented us to be, I would forgive him, as he proffered sincere contrition and proposed to take the oaths of allegiance to his Majesty: this he readily performed; and had the audacity afterwards of applying to Earl Cornwallis to be appointed Deputy Provost Marshal over the rebel prisoners in Philadelphia in the accomplishment of which pursuit however, he very justly failed.”[CLXXXI]
William F. and General George Washington
The battle of Germantown took place on October 4, 1777. Where William F. was during the battle is unknown. Most likely he had returned to Tredyffrin to check on Sarah’s parents and his property. Nevertheless, the battle involved the Dewees family.
Washington’s army was camped in the Methacton Hills area of Whitemarsh. From there the whole army marched down Skippack Pike to the intersection with Bethlehem Pike. At that corner was the property of William M., near St. Thomas Church, Whitemarsh (MAP 3 and #1 in Map 5 above). Some soldiers took the opportunity to snatch what they needed for breakfast and more.
There, the army split into four separate advancing columns. Placed directly in the center, was Brigadier General Thomas Conway’s Third Pennsylvania Brigade, including the Third Pennsylvania Regiment under Colonel Thomas Craig, in which William F.’s uncle, Henry Dewees (III-5/1716- 1801) was serving. This would be the spearhead of the attack. On the right flank, safely out of the way, as at Brandywine, was the Pennsylvania Militia of Brigadier General John Armstrong. In that unit were William F.’s cousins; William (III-5-26, 1752-1826), Jacob (III-5-27, 1755-1829), Henry Jr. (III-5-28, 1757-1802).
All the American forces retreated up the same roads by which they arrived. All these retreating forces retreated up Bethlehem Pike to reach Skippack Pike, the road back to camp. There General Wayne set up a rear guard, right at St Thomas Whitemarsh Church and William M.’s property (Map 4 above).[CLXXXII] Washington stopped at Hope Lodge, nearby.[CLXXXIII] The British retired into Germantown. That was the last action of the day.
By the last week of October, William F. set off to Philadelphia in an attempt to ascertain the fate of his father and mother. However, it is possible that when he had met Washington he had been given an additional task. He was joined by a Tredyffrin neighbor, Joseph Cloyd, a captain of militia. The two proceeded via Gulph Road and Matson’s Ford Road, to cross at the river at Matson’s Ford. Unfortunately, they had only gotten as far as Ridge Pike and turned south toward the city, when they were captured by a troop of British Light Horse on patrol or foraging ahead of the defensive line of redoubts behind which, after Germantown, Howe had moved his troops to join with the rest of the army for the winter.[CLXXXIV]
They were taken to Philadelphia and held captive for three weeks. During that time, Cloyd testified, and William F. affirmed, that;
“…they were confined in the General Guard & confined there three days & an [sic] half without a Morsel of any kind of Provision, from thence they were removed to the new Gaol where they had liberty to walk in the yard – that during the first Six days of their Captivity he [and presumably, William F.] did not receive one mouthful of Provision, but what was brought by his Wife who come [sic] into the City on the Fourth day. On the Sixth day of that imprisonment, they drew three biscuit & about One-Quarter of a pound of Pork-they did not draw again until five days after when they again drew Bread, Meat about enough to serve a man for a meal-they then removed to the old Gaol, where they remained so long as to make up three Weeks in the whole, during which time, they drew about the Same quantity of Provision four times more that they might have parished [sic] had not his Wife supplied them after the first four days.“
During this experience William learned “That the Prisoners of War were treated in much the same manner-many of them rather worse….” He must have feared the worst for his father and been looking and asking about him as he moved around. Perhaps he learned of the circumstances of his death and burial.
Finally, Cloyd’s wife,
“…not being able to get any Provisions [went] to Joseph Galloway, Esq[clxxxv] in order to get their discharge to prevent their starving- the answer was that, unless they would take the oath of allegiance, they must remain their own which to save his life he [and William F.] took the oath and was discharged.”[CLXXXVI]
On November 14, just before sending a letter to General Howe concerning the exchange of prisoners of war, General Washington added:
“P.S. Just as I was about to close my Letter. Two persons Men of Reputation came from Philadelphia. I transmit you their Depositions respecting the treatment they received while they were your prisoners. I will not comment upon the subject. It is too painful.”[CLXXXVII]
By this time, Washington had his army refreshed, edged it closer to Philadelphia and settled in a defensive line in the hills at Whitemarsh.[CLXXXVIII] Despite his victory at Germantown, General Howe knew that Washington and his army were not finished. He was wary that they might attack again before winter. Or, perhaps, again on Christmas Eve after he had settled down for a peaceful winter in Philadelphia. To preclude that, he decided to take the initiative himself.
Washington had good warning and was expecting him.
In January 1777, Captain Allen Mc Lane had recruited an independent mounted company of Delawareans. In March, after they had joined the Continental army, Washington used them for reconnaissance and with the lead elements of the army. After Brandywine, Washington gave McLane a long list of questions on which he detailed information. On 28 November, McLane alerted Washington that “Evry Intelligence from the City agree that the enemy is in motion and intend a Grand stroke….”[CLXXXIX]
That confirmed other information that Washington was receiving. As far back as April 1777, Washington had commissioned Generals Israel Putnam and Thomas Mifflin to establish spy networks in Jersey and Philadelphia. By November, each had at least one captain collecting information from their sources. It was from those sources that he got reports on November 29 and December 1, containing conflicting information on the intention to attack.[CXC]
Additionally, Elias Boudinot, the Commissary General of Prisoners for the army, claimed to be “managing intelligence” for the army. To do so, he was well positioned at the Rising Sun Tavern in the Northern Liberties, the same area from which McLane had sent his warning. While at dinner on the night of December 3, he received definitive information from a widow, Lydia Darragh, coming from Philadelphia. She reported that the British were planning to leave Philadelphia on December 4 to attack at Whitemarsh. He rode directly to Washington to inform him.[CXCI]
Sometime on Thursday, December 4, William F. wrote to Washington
“Frankford [Pa.] Decbr the 4th 1777…Hond Sir…I Have Just Recd Information which I Beleive [sic] to be the Best Can be Obtaind that the British Army had Last Night Packd up all their Baggage & each Man four Days Provision Coock’d; their Horses hitchd to their Artillery & every Appearance of marching out Immediately But something happening which is Not accounted for the orders were Countermanded; the Reason Assignd to me is they Expect our army to move their Camp very soon as they Have Recievd such Information and think they will Do Better to attack when your army moves as they have heard you are advantagiously [sic]Posted; But it is Expected they are Determind to Attack you where you Now Are; on Saturday morning Next I Expect I shall be Able to Inform you Exactly when they will Attack for Beyound [sic] all Doubt they are Determind to Attack at all Events;1 I Have the Hounour to be Sir Your Most Obedt Humble Servt…WD”[CXCII]
The information that William F. provided to Washington was the most timely and accurate about the delay, giving Washington additional time to position his defenses.[CXCIII] He sent his letter from “Frankfort”, near the Rising Sun Tavern.[CXCIV] Frankford was, then, a village, just outside of the Northern Liberties, the township lying just at the edge of occupied downtown Philadelphia. At the time, William F.’s brother, Thomas (III-4-21, 1742-1783) was living in the Northern Liberties “near the upper end of Fourth Street” and observing British military activity. Is it, therefore, possible to speculate that he was William F.’s source?[CXCV]
As William F. had informed Washington, the British march out of Philadelphia was planned for the morning of December 4, but was delayed until later that day. Then, leading two columns of 5000 men each, Cornwallis marched up Ridge Pike and Howe marched up to Germantown Road and through the town. According to a resident, Howe and his force “…last night and this morning, [Thursday the 4th and Friday the 5th of December] passed through Germantown on their way to surprise General Washington at Whitemarsh. They did much damage as they went—wantonly burning and destroying houses and property in the night time. At ten o’clock, A.M., was heard a heavy firing begun on Chestnut Hill [the area of William M.s’ brother Henry’s property and papermill] and lasting for two or three hours.”[CXCVI] Howe made his headquarters at the junction of Germantown Pike and Bethlehem Pike as his army moved northward up Bethlehem Pike and made his headquarters in an inn.[CXCVII]
Washington was prepared to fight but did not engage. After some skirmishes, Howe, soon realized the full extent of Washington’s defensive lines and concluded they were too well dug in to attack. The British returned to Philadelphia to enjoy the winter in comfort.
William F. Dewees and George Washington at Valley Forge
Washington realized that he was too close to Philadelphia to winter in Whitemarsh and he was exposed to being flanked. A decision had to be made. On November 30, he held a council of general officers to get their opinions whether and where to quarter the Continental army for the winter. He asked them to put their views into writing for his consideration. All agreed that the army should go into winter quarters, and there were many options proposed.[CXCVIII]
Major General William Alexander, Lord Stirling, suggested “…the Plan of putting the army into Huts in the Township of Tryduffrin in the Great Valley.” Brigadier General John Irvine of the Pennsylvania Militia suggested much the same. He advocated hutting the army on the west side of the Schuylkill River, twenty to thirty miles from Philadelphia. He emphasized that the Tredyffrin-Valley Forge area fit the bill exactly. He also pointed out that “wood is plenty” in the area.[CXCIX]
On December 11, the Army left Whitemarsh to cross the Schuylkill in mixed rain and snow. Upon crossing, the first units observed some British troops and pulled back. The army crossed the next day at Swedes Ford and turned south to gradually assemble in camp at “The Gulph.” Washington had not yet decided exactly where to settle. As he waited for the roads to dry, it became clear he could not settle at the Gulph. The British were sending forces to forage in the area.[CC]
On December 17, Washington issued what he hoped would be inspiring general orders—praising his troops, complementing them on their successes, telling them the French were coming to their aid, and describing the reasons for their winter encampment.[CCI] He had decided to move to Valley Forge. Before moving out, on December 18, the army “celebrated” the first national Thanksgiving.[CCII]
Washington took that as an opportunity to provide his troops with what—after several days of living off the land while marching, and several days on short rations in camp until the supply wagons arrived—might be considered a thanksgiving “feast.” It wasn’t much. At 10 a.m. next day, December 19, the troops set out to march five or six miles to Valley Forge, the sun shone for the first time in a week.
As the army approached the Valley Forge area, they saw an open, rolling landscape of many small farms, divided by fences and hedgerows. Along Valley Creek, as it joined the Schuylkill River, was a destroyed forge and sawmill, a grist mill and their attendant structures, plus two substantial stone homes. On the slopes above, locally known as Mount Joy and Mount Misery, were the acres of woodlands that were the source of charcoal and timber for the complex. This was all the property of William F., half owner and manager of the Valley Forge complex and lands.
The force arriving at Valley Forge consisted of some 19,000 officers and soldiers.[CCIII] Contrary to popular myth, the Continental soldiers marching in to Valley Forge, were not downtrodden— just exhausted and ill-supplied. The winter of 1777-78 was not the coldest nor the worst winter experienced during the war, but regular freezing and thawing, plus intermittent snowfall and rain, coupled with shortages of provisions, clothing, and shoes, made living conditions extremely difficult.[CCIV]
The first order of business for the soldiers themselves was to establish their quarters. Washington gave specific directions for the army to build huts according to a 14 x 6-foot plan and to place them in parallel lines. Some 1500-2000 huts were built, but not with such military precision.[CCV]
By building these huts the army deprived William F. of “the greatest part of his standing Timber and all of his fences.”[CCVI] His remaining buildings, although destroyed, might also be ransacked to provide other building supplies for the army.
Washington attempted to prevent further damage to William F.’s property by his General Orders of January 6.
“Colo Dewees who was nearly ruined by the Enemy Complains that the remains of his buildings are likely to be destroyed by this Army. The Commander in Chief positively forbids the least injury to be done to the walls and chimnies of Colo Dewees buildings; and as divers Iron plates have been taken from them the Commanding Officers of Corps are immediately to inspect the huts of their regiments, and make return to the Quarter Master Genl. All they can find and the names of the Persons in whose possession they are found that they may be restored when demanded.”[CCVII]
While the army was establishing its quarters, General Washington did likewise. He took over the home that Isaac Potts had built at the grist mill. It had not been damaged during the British visits to Valley Forge. At the time it was rented to Mrs. Deborah Hewes, a step-in-law of both Isaac Potts and William F. She had been living there with her numerous children since leaving Philadelphia before the British arrived. She signed the receipt to General Washington and departed for Pottsgrove.[CCVIII]
The house had an entry and two rooms on the first floor and three rooms on the second, plus well-finished garret spaces. There was a kitchen and a well at the rear.[CCIX] Washington moved into the house on Christmas Eve 1777. Mrs. Washington joined him in February 1778.[CCX] Much of her time at the encampment was spent running the household at Washington’s Headquarters and organizing daily meals for the staff. She also hosted dinners, dances and entertainments for officers’ wives, congressmen and diplomats.[CCXI]
William F. and Sarah were invited to some of those events. There were “many instances…of intercourse of this family with the General and his wife, during the terrible winter of 1777.”[CCXII] Likewise, William and Sarah may have invited the Washingtons and others to visit their home in Tredyffrin, several miles from Valley Forge. It may be for that reason, that Washington sent Lieutenant Thomas Stewart (1759-1815) to guard their home.[CCXIII] While there, he met Rachel Dewees, the 18-year-old daughter of William M. who was living there after leaving Philadelphia ahead of the British arrival.[CCXIV]
It was a case of love at first sight, they were married only a few months later. After the wedding, the bridal party and their host of friends were going to Thomas’ home in Bucks County on horseback when they encountered Washington. The General drew up his troops on each side of the road, then dismounted and congratulated Stewart and his bride. He also claimed the privilege of a kiss from the bride.[CCXV]
During one of his visits to Valley Forge, William F. gave permission for Washington to use the original forge house.[CCXVI] Apparently, it had not been too heavily “destroyed.” It became the residence of Washington’s “Baker General”, Christopher Ludwick, (or Ludwig).[CCXVII] The house was also used for courts martial, and was the auditorium for theatrical productions staged by officers in May, 1778.[CCXVIII] During the Encampment itself, bread was probably baked at this general location for the use of those quartered at or near Washington’s Headquarters. The house had in no way served as a central bakery for the whole Continental Army, nor were there any ovens in the cellar.[CCXIX]
The Decline and Sad End to the Life of William F. Dewees
Washington and his army left Valley Forge in June 1778. The area had been ravaged. The scale and intensity of the encampment devastated the landscape of the Valley Forge area. Every tree for miles around had been taken down for firewood or hut construction, as well as miles of farmers’ fences and many outbuildings. The livestock and stores of the area’s residents had been commandeered and consumed. The land itself was pockmarked with entrenchments, muddy military roads and paths, some 2,000 huts, offal and other refuse pits, and work areas.[CCXX]
William F. did not try to reestablish Valley Forge. Although he still owned what was left of the forge. Perhaps, anticipating that he would, in 1778, he was appointed to a board that was responsible for improving the navigability of the Schuylkill for commerce.[CCXXI]
Rather, in an attempt to restore his finances, he relied on his earlier Potts assets and connections. He went to Berks County to live on and sell a plantation of 354 acres about nine miles north of Reading. It contained a good frame dwelling, a grist mill and sawmill.[CCXXII] While there he also rented Hopewell Furnace for a year. Meanwhile, he continued to pay taxes on his properties in the Philadelphia area.[CCXXIII] In 1782, he filed a Depreciation Claim with the Pennsylvania State Government for the damage done to his property by the British.[CCXXIV]
In 1781 or 1782, William F. and Sarah had a little brightness in their life at a family wedding, when their daughter Rachel married a cousin, Benjamin Bartholomew (1758-1812).[CCXXV]
William F.’s fortunes, however, did not improve. In 1783, there was an article in a Philadelphia newspaper concerning a bond he owed as “William Dewees, junior, of Union township“, in Berks County, Iron Master (formerly at Valley Forge, Philadelphia County).[CCXXVI] In 1784, his Valley Forge property was foreclosed and bought by Isaac Potts.
In 1785, William F. petitioned congress for some reimbursement for damage done to his property by both the British and the Continental Army.[CCXXVII] He stated that he had been “…obliged to sell said premises [the Valley Forge property] much under their Value, by which he is much reduced in Order to Discharge his Just Debts.”[CCXXVIII] There was no action on either of his claims during his lifetime.[CCXXIX]
In 1788, William went into bankruptcy, among his creditors was his father-in-law, Thomas Waters. He acquired the Tredyffrin home at the Sheriff’s sale so that William, likely grateful but humiliated, and his family could remain.[CCXXX] Somehow, William was able to continue to own the Charlestown property that he bought in 1773, which brought Sarah some income.[CCXXXI]
After his bankruptcy, little is known about William F. Hopefully, he lived quietly in Tredyffrin with his family. The exact date of is death and place of burial are unknown.[CCXXXII] It is generally conceded that he died in ill-health and poverty sometime between 1794 and 1809.[CCXXXIII]
Thomas Ends his Life as He Lived It
Thomas remained in Philadelphia during the British occupation. After they left in June 1778, he began a reintegration into American life. In August 1778, Thomas testified that during the British occupation he had seen an individual serving as a wagon driver serving in “the service of the enemy.”[CCXXXIV] In December 1778, he had all his children baptized at Christ Church, Philadelphia.[CCXXXV] In 1779, Thomas paid Effective Supply Tax in the Northern Liberties. That made him a recognized “Patriot” supporter of the war.[CCXXXVI]
In addition, no longer exempted from militia service as jailer, he had to join the militia. During 1780-1781, he was a private in Eighth Class of Captain George Forepaugh’s Fifth Company of Colonel William Bradford’s First Pennsylvania Militia Battalion.
But, Thomas could not resist profiting from his official duties.
On the 10th of April 1781, Thomas Dewees, Barracks Master, was tried by a court martial ordered by the Board of War on September 6, 1780. He was tried “First, For neglect of duty. Secondly, For a partial distribution of wood. Thirdly, For undertaking an office he was not qualified to hold, having never taken the oath of allegiance to the United States, or any particular State. Fourthly, For not having taken the oath of office…according to the resolution of congress the 15th of July last. Fifthly, For felling public wood to the prejudice of the service.”
He was acquitted of the first three charges but found guilty on the last two. His punishment for the fourth charge was that he was “rendered incapable of holding any future office in the Service of the United States of America.” His punishment for the fifth charge was to have his sentence published three times in each of the English and German newspapers.[CCXXXVII]
After that public damage to his local reputation, Thomas retreated with his family back to Potts lands in Douglas Township in Berks County. That is the site of Colebrook Forge. Where Hannah was born. He was taxed on 3 horses, 2 cows and 10 sheep.
Thomas Dewees died at the age of 41 in 1783 as a comfortably prosperous man.[CCXXXVIII] Hannah died in about 1799. It can be presumed that they are buried in a Potts cemetery in Berks County.
[I] This section summarizes the information in Part 1-William Dewees of Germantown (1680-1745),
Because there are so many “Williams” in the extended Dewees family, so named to honor William of Germantown, I will identify them by their middle initial, usually derived to honor their mother’s family.
[II]William had an older sister, Wilhelmina (1663), and two older brothers, Liuwes/Lewis (1675) and Hendrick (1677), plus a younger brother Cornelius (1682). Before the family came to Germantown, Wilhelmina married Claus Rittenhouse, son of William Rittenhouse, America’s first papermaker. Their grandson was David Rittenhouse, the famous Philadelphia scientist and patriot. Lewis eventually settled his family in Delaware. Hendrick died young. Cornelius remained close to William. After his death Cornelius’ family moved to Berks County, Pennsylvania.
[III] Today the original family home property is 9219-9227 Germantown Avenue. It is occupied by a RiteAid Drugstore, parking lot, and small grassy area.
[IV] Patrick Erben, University of West Georgia, “William Rittenhouse,” Immigrant Entrepreneurship, IE.org,
Today, the Rittenhouse homestead and bake house is designated as “Historic Rittenhouse Town” on the National Register of Historic Places. It is located on Lincoln Drive in Fairmount Park, Philadelphia. The entrance is from Wissahickon Dr. Germantown.
[V] La Munyan, 17. “Addendum C: Landowners 1683-1714,” in J. M. Duffin, ed., Acta Germanopolis, Records of the Corporation of Germantown, Pennsylvania: 1691-1707 (Philadelphia, PA: Genealogical Society of Pennsylvania, 2008), Transaction No. 3. 541. Immigrant Entrepreneurship, https://www.immigrantentrepreneurship.org/ecms-references/acta-germanopolis-records-of-the-corporation-of-germantown-pennsylvania-1691-1707/.
[VI] “Wilhelm de Wees,” Wilson Blog.
[VII] The early settlers of Germantown had called this area Crefeld Village after the town from which the they had started their journey to Germantown. “As early as 1711. The name ‘Chestnut Hill’ was applied to this area in recorded land transfers.” “Chestnut Hill Historic District,” National Registry of Historic Places Inventory-Nomination Form. (U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service), 3 unnumbered.
[VIII] Today, the 1710 property is the 9600-9700 block of Germantown Ave, where it crosses Wissahickon Creek, across from Chestnut Hill College.
[IX] Friends of the Wissahickon, https://fow.org/virtual-valley/trails-to-the-past/dewee/.
[X] I only name those who will reoccur in the story.
[XI] There would be a total on eight children.
[XII] They are the:
[XIII] Dates are from Baker and from Farmar.
[XIV] “Farmar, Rachel,” Genealogies of Pennsylvania Families from Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine, (Baltimore, MD: Genealogical Publishing Co. 1982), 1: 521.
[XV] That land is what is today all of Whitemarsh Township, Montgomery County.
[XVI] Map is from Phillip Alan Farmar, “William Penn and the Farmars,” https://philipalanfarmer.com/william-penn-and-the-farmars/.
[XVII] Today the remains of their mill in Whitemarsh are on the National Register of Historic Places. It was once part of the Pennsylvania Historic site of Hope Lodge. It has now been returned to private ownership. It is one block south of Hope Lodge, the address of which is 553 S. Bethlehem Pike, Fort Washington, PA 19034. Info is at https://www.historichopelodge.org/mather-mill.
[XVIII] Hannah Brenner, “The Back Part of Germantown, 1730,” in Early American Descendants of Adriaen Heyndricks deWees, http://freepages.rootsweb.com/~wvpioneers/genealogy/deweesfamily.html.
[XIX]William M.’s younger brother Henry (III-5, 1716-1801) bought it from their father in 1738.
[XX] Edward Farmar donated one acre of ground for a log church in 1698. The log church was deliberately burned in 1710 to be replaced by a small but sturdy stone church. This second church in which William M. and Rachel were married, had no pews – worshipers stood during services. For the next one hundred and seven years, it was known simply as “the little Church at White Marsh” and served as a union church of various Christian denominations. The church and graveyard suffered extensive damage following the Battle of Germantown as the Americans fought their way to Valley Forge during the Revolutionary War. Today, it is St. Thomas Episcopal Church, Whitemarsh, Fort Washington, PA. 19034. https://www.stthomaswhitemarsh.org/church-history#:~:text=Thomas%20is%20the%2017th%20oldest,land%20to%20Major%20. Edward Farmar was a member of the Friends Meeting at Gwynedd. Howard M. Jenkins, Chapter 12. Early Monthly Meeting Record of Marriages in Historical Collections Relating to Gwynedd. https://www.friendsjournal.org/legacy/abington/gwynedd/jenkinschapter12.htm.
[XXI] Farmar, Edward Farmar and the Sons of Whitemarsh, 158 gives his birth as 1736. Although La Munyan , 38 places him last in birth order, I accept 1736, as he was enrolled in the Philadelphia Academy (See below) in 1751. The age of 16 seems appropriate, thereby substantiating birth as 1736. As I am using La Munyan for identification purposes, I have kept him as III-4-25.
[XXII] William F.’s birth date of 1739 is from Dewees family trees in both Farmar, and Baker. His death date is unknown. Daniel A. Graham, Valley Forge Folklore: Issac Potts, Deborah Hewes, and William Dewees and Their Roles at Valley Forge (Morgantown, PA: Mastoff Press for the Montgomery County Historical Society, 2019), 89-154 provides a “Historical and Biographical Sketch” focused on his claim for damages to his Valley Forge property. His dates as “(c1737-c1792)” are given on 92. Elsewhere, (104) based on legal filings concerning his bankruptcy Graham states “His exact date and place of death are unknown but he appears to have died about 1809.” Later, (108) he states “Probably by 1794 but definitely by…1811, William Dewees died.” Find a Grave for LTC William Farmar Dewees has a memorial on The Great Valley Baptist Church, Devon Pa with a death date of 1809, but no picture of a gravestone, https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/117960209/william-farmar-dewees. However, the church cemetery tour of significant graves does not include any reference to William F., as one might expect. Thus, his death and burial will remain unknown until I, or someone, visits the cemetery to confirm or deny the information. Of interest, the cemetery tour does show the grave of William F.’s son-in-law, Benjamin Bartholomew. (See below)
[XXIII] These dates are based on consistent sources on Ancestry.com.
[XXIV] Newspapers.com https://www.newspapers.com/search/?query=William%20Dewees&p_county=Philadelphia%20County%2C%20Pennsylvania&dr_year=1735-1777.
[XXV] S. F. Hotchkin, Ancient and Modern Germantown, Mount Airy, and Chestnut Hill (Philadelphia, PA: P.W. Zeigler & Co., 1889), 521.
[XXVI] Farmer to DeWees. Rachel, wife of William DeWees, Esq. Phila. Co., Deed Bk. G 12, 343.
[XXVII] His brother, Jonathon Robeson married Catherine Farmar on February 17, 1745.
[XXVIII] Will of Edward Farmar. FHL21723 – Will Book H p. 71-74 – Will date 18 July 1745; Codicil 22 August 1745. Probate 19 September 1745. Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania Deed Book G-9. 458.
[XXIX]Map 2 is “William Dewees,” “Land Owners October, 1777,” Mapping West Philadelphia…. University of Pennsylvania Archives, https://maps.archives.upenn.edu/WestPhila1777/map.php. Map 3 is “William Dewees ? [sic.].” Ibid. Today, the area shown in Map 3 is the location of the Barren Hill Fire Company at 647 Germantown Pike, Lafayette Hill PA 19444. Map 4, Courtesy, Free Library of Philadelphia.
[XXX] “Family of Wilhelm de Wees (1680)“, Wilson Family Tree Album Blog.
…says this was the home of William Dewees of Germantown, being sold to pay his heirs. It was, however, not the original family home in Germantown. William had sold that. La Munyan, 17. Duffin, “Addendum C,” Lot Twenty, 22d 12 m (January) 1705/1706. Transaction No. 4, 540. As far as can be determined. William of Germantown lived in the “new” 1735 home near the grist mill and second papermill until his heath. This was more likely an investment property given to William M. just as the papermill was given to Henry. I have not yet found the transaction of how and when William of Germantown got it or how and when he transferred it to William M.“ Tammy” refers to Tamanend the “affable”, (c. 1628-1698) a chief of one of the clans that made up the Lenni-Lenape nation in the Delaware Valley at the time Philadelphia was established. He greeted William Penn and made a treaty of peace. Some have suggested that there was an “Indian King” inn in Germantown. (See Ernest Howard Yardley, “Old Inns and Taverns of the Great Road,” Germantowne Crier, Germantown Historical Society, Vol. 4, no. 2 (June 1952), 28. https://historicgermantownpa.org/1952/06/old-inns-and-taverns-of-the-great-road-june-1952/. That inn would have had a picture of Tamanend on its sign and could have been “called by the sign of King Tammy”.
[XXXI] La Munyan gives no dates or helpful clues from which to derive his dates. He married Mary Coburn and, in 1787, they left for Kentucky, a trip she recorded. See la Munyan, 107-126.
[XXXII] Rachel Dewees (later Stewart), (III-4-24, 1759-1815), FindAGrave, https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/39155598/rachel-stewart. There were other children. La Munyan lists a Sarah (III-4-23). Various genealogy sources also list a Benjamin and an Edward. I have noticed a Benjamin Dewees on the tax lists. As they do not appear in the story, I have searched no further.
[XXXIII] The academy had been founded only 4 years previously by Benjamin Franklin and other Philadelphia notables. It operated as an academy until 1770, when it became the University of Pennsylvania, Thomas Harrison Montgomery, History of the University of Pennsylvania From its Founding to AD 1770. (Philadelphia, PA: George Jacobs an Co., 1900). Internet Archive, archive.org. “Dewees, Farmar,” is shown as “entered” by “William Dewees” in “1751.” “Appendix F: List of Scholars Entered at the Academy….”, 536. This is also noted in Farmar, Edward Farmar and the Sons of Whitemarsh, 158. There his birth is given as 1736 (No citation). That would have made him the first child of William M. and Rachel. On the other hand, La Munyan, 38 lists him as the last child. Ancestry.com provides no information.(See above). Birth in 1736 made him 15, which seems an appropriate age. Attending as the first son also seems appropriate. But, then, why did William M. not send William F. and Henry?
[XXXIV] The two families were among the early arrivals in Germantown. Thomas Potts Sr. (1647-1726) and family settled in Bristol Township, near Germantown in about 1690. Gerrit Hendricks Dewees (1641-1701) and family also arrived in 1690. Both families’ land bordered on land of one of the original familiys, Keurlis.
[XXXV]William of Germantown, helped arriving immigrants form into congregations in their local areas. Later he organized them into a single Reformed Church, served as a deacon, got a minister ordained, and provide his home for worship. Today that church is credited with being the founding church of the various reformed denominations in America. See: United Church of Christ, ucc.org/about-us.
[XXXVI] Thomas Potts Jr. (1680-1752), was the nephew and ward, or foster son, of Thomas Potts Sr. (1647-1726). He came to America from Wales later than Thomas Sr. He married Martha Keurlis. They had a son, John Potts (1709/10-1768). Martha died in 1716. Thomas Jr. soon went to the Manatawny area to work in the iron works of Thomas Rutter. In 1718 he married Magdelen Robeson. They had two sons, Thomas (1720-1762), and David (1722-1752). When Thomas Rutter died in 1728-1729, Thomas Potts, Jr. (1680-1752) became principal owner and manager of the iron works. For his history see, Mrs. Thomas Potts James, Memorial Thomas Potts, Junior Who Settled in Pennsylvania; Historic-Genealogical Account of his Descendants to the Eighth Generation (Cambridge, MA: Privately Printed, 1874), 73-88.
[XXXVII] For a cogent description of how Thomas Potts Jr. (1680-1752) and his son John Potts (1709/10-1768) built their empire, see “Behind the Marker,” Pottsgrove Historical Marker, ExplorePAhistory.com. To learn about it in depth, the following are the principal sources. “Thomas and John Potts,” The National Iron and Steel Heritage Museum, steelmuseum.org. Daniel A. Graham, The Family of John Potts (1709/10-1768), Ironmaster and Ruth Savage (1715/16-1786) of Pottstown, Pennsylvania Through the Fourth Generation. Google, books.google.com.
[XXXVIII] History of Pottstown, PA., http://www.pottstown.org.
[XXXIX] The first documented forge at Mt. Joy was built by two residents of Tredyffrin, Stephen Evans and Daniel Walker (son of Lewis Walker, Tredyffrin’s first settler). In 1742 they purchased a plot of land from William Penn’s attorneys and built a forge on the east side of the creek in Upper Merion Township. This was a complete ironworks: finery, chafery, bloomery, and a slitting mill. Pig iron was converted to billets; iron billets into bars; cast iron into wrought iron; and manufactured finished metal products. In the 1750’s a sawmill was added. Evans and Walker unsuccessfully tried to sell the forge and sawmill in 1751.
In 1757 the operation was acquired by John Potts. He built a grist mill at the mouth of Valley Creek and further developed the forge as part of his iron-making empire. The two operations used separate dams. The cast iron used by the forge was transported from Warwick Furnace. Locally produced charcoal fueled the forge. Tredyffrin-Eastown Historical Society, Digital Archives, History Quarterly, Winter and Spring 2007, 44, nos.1 and 2 (Double issue): 24. https://www.tehistory.org/hqda/html/v44/v44n1+2p003.html.
[XL] They had minor criminal and civil jurisdiction in their own right. That was accepting prisoners of the constables, hearing the charges, taking pleas and setting bail. They heard local disputes and required peace bonds or sureties from the parties. They also opened roads and bridges, issued tavern and peddlers’ licenses, and at various times presided over town meetings, levied county taxes, supervised the erection of buildings, appointed overseers of the poor, inspectors of flour and barrel staves, were supervisors of highways, and audited the accounts of the overseers and the county treasurer. Over the years these administrative powers of the justice of the peace gradually diminished with the creation of other city and county offices and the addition of other officials. Nevertheless, up to the revolutionary period, they were powerful city and county officials. Ward J. Childs, “The Tangible Manifestation of Law, Part III,” in Newsletter of the Philadelphia City Archives, 33 (March 1978). City of Philadelphia, Department of Records, phila.gov/phila/Docs/otherinfo/newslet/law3.htm. (Accessed February, 2022).
[XLI] He was the son of Thomas Potts Jr. (1680-1752) by his second wife, Magdalen Robeson. Thus, he is the half-brother of John Potts (1709/10-1768). In his father’s will, he is called “My Son Thomas Potts Jr.” James, Memorial, 82-85. Also, USGENWEB Archives, http://files.usgwarchives.net/pa/philadelphia/wills/potts-t.txt.
Despite that and because the Potts family uses the same names, especially Thomas, generation to generation, Daniel A. Graham, specialist on this branch of the Potts family calls him Thomas Potts II. Daniel A. Graham, Valley Forge Folklore (Morgantown, PA: Mastoff Press, 2019), 47, 48, 49.
[XLII] At his death, he had six children by his deceased wife, Rebecca Rutter Potts (c 1723-1750) and two children by his second wife, Deborah Pyewell Potts (1736-1800). She was the much younger half-sister of his first wife. His son David inherited the mill and the bulk of the property when older. Deborah inherited the remainder to care for the younger children. Graham, Valley Forge Folklore, 49.
[XLIII] Dates are from Find A Grave: Memorial #117960666, https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/117960666/sarah-deweese.
[XLIV] Her dates are not generally known. These are from a WikiTree page, unsourced.
[XLV] Thomas Potts will (above).
[XLVI] The statement “on the property inherited by Rachel,” is from Baker, Chapter 21. He gives no source, but Rachel clearly would have inherited land near her birth home and the church to which her father contributed land and in which she was married. The “at Whitemarsh” comes from John W. Jordan, Edgar Moore Green and George T. Extinger, eds., Historic Homes and Institutions and Personal Memoirs of the Lehigh Valley (NY: The Lewis Publishing Company, 1905). I:45. This information was provided to the editors by an unidentified narrator who describes himself as a Stewart descendant of William M.’s daughter, Rachel Dewees Stewart (III-5-24, 1759-1815). The information on the initials is from La Munyan, 89 and corroborated by Jordon, et.al. Bottom line: William almost certainly built his home in the area near what is, today, St. Thomas Church, Whitemarsh.
[XLVII] Overlaying the location of the property designated “William Dewees 1747,” in Landowners October, 1777, in Mapping West Philadelphia, http://maps.archives.upenn.edu/WestPhila1777/map.php with current Google maps, it appears that his home lay, what is today, within the property at the entrance to St. Thomas Church, Whitemarsh.
[XLVIII] “Proprietary, Supply and State Tax Lists,” in William Henry Egle, ed., Pennsylvania Archives, Third Series 1897, 14:79. In 1747, not only had Rachel inherited the land near her home, but William had inherited 18 and 64 acres himself. That was at the corner of Ridge Pike and beyond. In 1777, he still had several acres there. Today the Barren Hill Fire Department is on most of that land. This 140 acres is their entire owned property in 1769.
[XLIX] In the 1769 tax lists William M. is shown on Philadelphia City tax list, but paid no tax. Egle, 14: 216.
[L] Anna Coxe Toogood “Chapter III: The Revolution, Nationhood and Rapid Development, 1775-1801,” in Historic Resource Study Independence Mall. (Philadelphia, PA: Cultural Resources Management Division,Independence National Historical Park, 2004), https://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/inde/hrs/hrs3.htm.
[LI] Rachel shifted her membership from the Friend’s Gwynedd Meeting to the Philadelphia Meeting because she “settled with her husband.” U.S. Quaker Meeting Records 1681-1935 for Rachel Dewees, https://www.ancestry.com/imageviewer/collections/2189/images/31906_290395-00282?pId=99373955. Date was December 1771.
[LII] Deed Wm. Dewees to Fred. Miller. May 10 1770. Montgomery County Deed Book, 4:81. In 1774, “William Dewees, Esq” (i.e., William M.) paid Provincial tax in the City of Philadelphia on no acreage, suggesting he just had a house. He paid tax on one horse, two cattle, one servant. Egle, ed., Pennsylvania Archives, Third Series 14: 291. A “William Dewees.” paid taxes on two cattle in Blockley Township of Philadelphia County. That may be William Deweese (V-4-7, 1733-1807), grandson of Cornelius ( V, 1682-1734) named for William of Germantown. This may the beginning of his amassing considerable property in Philadelphia. (See below)
[LIII] Local Geohistory Project, https://www.localgeohistory.pro/en/pa/government/pa-philadelphia-mulberry-ward-defunct/.
[LIV] The long, detailed and complex will is in James Memorial, 106-112.
[LV] Graham, 93-94. On 24 March 1766, he had a warrant for 100 acres of land in Chester County.
[LVI] Hannah (III-4-20-39, 1767-1805).
[LVII] There is a memorial to her at on Find a Grave at Great Valley Baptist Church Cemetery, Devon, Chester County, Find A Grave: Memorial #117960666, https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/117960666/sarah-deweese. There is no picture and I have not visited to verify a grave. 5 Pennsylvania, U.S. Compiled Marriage Records, 1700-1821,303. Ancesrty.com.
[LVIII] Graham, 94.
[LIX] Egle, Philadelphia Archives, Third Series, 14: 106.
[LX] She was, by heritage, a member of the Morris, Willing and Shippen families, the most important in pre-revolutionary Philadelphia. Her father became Mayor of Philadelphia in 1775. The family home at 244 South 3rd Street, is a house museum run by the Philadelphia Society for the Preservation of Landmarks. Rooms have been removed and are preserved in the New York Metropolitan Museum and the Philadelphia Art Museum.
[LXI] By long, detailed and complex will of John Potts, is in James Memorial, 106-112. Valley Forge had been given to his sons Samuel (1736-1793) and John Jr. (1738-c.1800). They were to inherit it when they finished paying for it. James, Memorial, 106. Joseph did get money in the will, 110, 111. Perhaps, they sold Valley Forge to Joseph to him to pay the rest of their debt to their father’s estate, so he ended up with it. That seems to be confirmed by the Finding Aids for “Valley Forge” papers in the Forges and Furnaces Collection, 1727-1921, Collection 212 in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. It states, “During the late 1750s and early 1760s the forge [Valley Forge] was rented to John Potts’ sons” and is shown as active on Scull’s 1759 map. “It was purchased after Potts’ death by son Joseph Potts (1742-1804) and was eventually renamed Valley Forge.” Daniel A. Graham [principal researcher an expert on the Potts family and their forges], The Family of John Potts (1709/10-1768), Ironmaster, and Ruth Savage (1715/16-1786) of Pottstown, Pennsylvania Through the Fourth Generation (December 2006), Montgomery County, PA, https://www.montgomerycountypa.gov/documentcenter/view/20669/dangraham-research, somewhat confirms that. It states (2) that John Potts’ sons, “Thomas, Samuel and John, formed a company and rented [2 other forges and] Valley Forge.” It, further, states (61) “By deed of May 1768, Joseph obtained Mt. Joy Forge from his father [John Potts]“. It does not say he transferred it to William Dewees and his brother David. But, it does state (57) That David Potts got it in 1772. Other sources, such as Hagley Library Finding Aids, say Joseph “inherited” it. The words of the transfer to William F. and David were “undivided moiety.” La Munyan, 89. A moiety is defined as one of two equal parts.
[LXII] Actually, the will (108) specified that the mill and land be sold. Isaac did get money and presumably bought it. He also got the sawmill and land from Joseph when William F. and David Potts got the forge. Isaac Potts biography is in Daniel A. Graham, Valley forge Folklore.
[LXIII] “Isaac Potts,” https://www.ushistory.org/valleyforge/youasked/010.htm.
All of this is typical of the complicated Potts intra-family business arrangements designed to keep the entities of the empire in the Potts family. La Munyan, 89 erroneously states that William F. (identified as William Jr.) owned the flour mill.
[LXIV] In 1774, William F. paid Provincial tax on 50 acres, two horses, five cattle, and two servants. He also paid tax on Isaac Potts estate. Egle, Philadelphia Archives, Third Series, 14: 444.
[LXV] William F. received tax reductions for a property in this area in May 1773 and in September 1779 for “enemy plundering.” “Tax Discounts,” Commissioners Minutes and Pay Orders, Chester County, # 97 and 204. Today this area lies on PA 29 south of downtown Phoenixville.
[LXVI] This is apparently the property shown on the Chester County Register of Deed Book R-2:249. Today it is included in the property of the Glenhardie County Club. History of Glenhardie, https://www.glenhardiecc.com/files/The%20History%20of%20Glenhardie%202.pdf.
[LXVII] Mike Bertram, “Water and Fire: The Power Behind Valley Forge,” Tredyffrin-Easttown Historical Society, History Quarterly Digital Archives, (Summer 2004) 41/3, 80; https://www.tehistory.org/hqda/html/v41/v41n3p075.html. This article contains an excellent and enlightening discussion of the facilities and procedures used to make iron.
[LXVIII] In 1769, “Thomas Dewees” paid Proprietary Tax in Douglas Township, Berks County. He paid no taxes on property, although he paid tax on three horses and two cattle. Henry Egle, “City and County of Philadelphia,” Proprietary, Supply and Provincial Taxes (Harrisburg, PA: State Printer, 1897), 47. Pennsylvania Archives, Series 3,14:216.
[LXIX] Pennsylvania Gazette, March 2d, 1769. James, Memorial, 65.
[LXX] La Munyan, 39.
[LXXI] Map is a reconstruction by Gary Wheeler Stone and is included in Mike Bertram, “Water and Fire: The Power Behind Valley Forge,” 79.
[LXII] Pennsylvania Gazette, Wednesday, August 4, 1773, 4.
[LXIII] Those holding public offices were not salaried employees of the local government. There was an “annual value of each office in sterling money by estimation.” When running for office, a bond was posted in that amount. The value for the sheriff was one of the highest at 300£. In essence, the individual “bought” the position from the government. Then, he earned money for the performance of specific duties. The sheriff, for example, earned money from the fees that they received from the courts for carrying out the orders and duties assigned to them. Sheriff sales were another lucrative money maker.
[LXIV] Thomas Potts III, the eldest son of John Potts inherited his father’s Pottsgrove Manor. He was a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly from Chester County. In that role he was chairman of the committee to examine the defenses of the colony and on the committee to inquire into the conduct of the Pennsylvania Council of Safety. He had a home in Philadelphia and was a charter member of the American Philosophical Society. He was a member of the Philadelphia Committee of Safety. In 1775 he recruited and supported one of six Philadelphia militia battalions. He was elected as Colonel which was confirmed by congress.
[LXXV] Under the established procedures, “two persons (being selected by the People) are presented to the Governor, who approves & commissions them.” That is how it was in 1775. “Table Shewing by What Authority Officers Hold Their Places…,” in Hazard, ed. Pennsylvania Archives, Original Series, 4:601 (Internet Archive, https://archive.org/details/pennsylvaniaarch04harruoft/page/600/mode/1up). In other years it appears that the Provincial Council approved and sometimes commissioned or appointed them. See Martin, 1001-101. La Munyan, 87.
[LXXVI] The complaint involved the captain of a British ship who had a writ from the Chief Justice directing the sheriff to assist the captain in seizing some cargo that had been landed without customs. William appeared before the council and explained how it was a misunderstanding. He was exonerated, but cautioned to always assist His Majesties Customs. His appointment was reaffirmed. “At a Council Held at Philadelphia, on Wednesday 5th October, 1774” and “At a Council Held in Philadelphia, on Thursday the 6 th of October, 1774,” Minutes of the Provincial Council 1683-1775, in Colonial records of Pennsylvania (Printed by T. Fenn & Co., 1831) Pennsylvania Archives, Series 1, 10:2210,211. Hathi Trust, https://hdl.handle.net/2027/wu.89066118803?urlappend=%3Bseq=231%3Bownerid=13510798901996653-245[LXVII] “Pennsylvania Gazette, Monday September 18, 1775, 4” and Pennsylvania Gazzette, Thursday, October 4, 1775, 3.
[LXXVIII] For a strong argument that the sheriff was the “chief law enforcement officer”, see “Sheriff Brigades of Pennsylvania,” https://sheriffbrigadesofpenn.com/resources/the-sheriff-is-the-chief-law-enforcement-officer/.
[LXXIX] “Policing Philadelphia began in the seventeenth century with constables appointed by English colonial authorities. Early constables enforced magistrate decisions and closely regulated working-class leisure activities like cards, dice…revels, bull-baitings, cock-fightings,” as one 1681 English law put it. That year, William Penn (1644-1718) gained his charter for Pennsylvania, including the 35-acre tract that became the city of Philadelphia…. Penn appointed a sheriff to ensure a “well-regulated” population. In July 1700, the Common Council established the night watch, a person who carried a bell to alert the constable about criminal activity. Constables and the night watch investigated vagrants and “disorderly persons” and regulated the hours of public houses to prevent drunken fights and riots. In 1751, Council added a Board of Wardens responsible for “well-ordering and regulating the Watch” and maintaining a sufficient number of lamps in their wards. This 1751 ordinance also paid constables and night watchmen their first wages.” “Police Department (Philadelphia),” Encyclopedia of Greater Philadelphia, https://philadelphiaencyclopedia.org/essays/police-department-philadelphia/.
[LXXX] In essence, per above, he was part Chief of Police and part District Attorney.
[LXXXI] Digest of County Laws, 1839 (Philadelphia, PA: J. Crissy, 1839).
[LXXXII] After the Boston Tea Party, when Parliament passed the Coercive or Intolerable Acts in early 1774 closed Boston’s port, began the military occupation of Boston, and abolished the Massachusetts Assembly, a Committee of Correspondence was formed. In September 1774, the First Continental Congress adopted the Continental Association by which all colonies agreed stop the importation of British goods. Committees of Observation and Inspection were to be established to monitor and enforce the association. A committee of 66 members, dominated by radicals from the Committee of Correspondence was formally organized as Philadelphia’s Committee of Observation and Inspection. Having been ordered by congress, the committee considered that it acted under the authority of congress rather than state or local government. Sub-committees policed the commercial activity of the port, the retail activity of merchants, and their customers in the various wards of the city to ensure conformance with the intent of congress. They were soon monitoring the speech and activity of citizens to assure they supported the congress. They assumed police power to detain people or force them to appear before the local sub-committees and assumed judicial power by making people defend themselves, recant or apologize, or face public shaming. Their aggressive efforts insured that the interactions sometimes turned violent and must have involved calls for the help of constables. See Scharf, 301-304 for examples.
[LXXXIII] “Philadelphia at this time was in an anomalous condition. It was under a royal parliamentary government that did not dare attempt to discharge any of its functions or enforce any of its laws. It was under a proprietary governor and council who did nothing until the volunteer committees had been consulted. The assembly simply did what was ordered. It was under a municipal government that scarcely looked after the routine of watch, lamp, and street cleaning. The only power of the state resided in a large unwieldy committee which had been nominated by acclimation at a town meeting and only represented the mob. Yet it exercised executive and legislative powers and in the freest manner, and was obeyed cheerfully and implicitly by all.…[Upon his return from England, Benjamin] Franklin got the assembly to supercede the Committee of Correspondence and appoint in its stead a Committee of Safety, with broad discretionary powers….” J. Thomas Scharf and Thompson Westcott, History of Philadelphia: 1609-1884 (Philadelphia, PA: L. H. Everts & Co., 1884), 297.
[LXXXIV] The political maneuverings in Philadelphia that moved Pennsylvania from a loyal and pacifist British colony to revolution are summarized in Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Legislative Reference Bureau, Statutes at Large, “Appendix XXXIV, Section 1, History of the Constitutional Convention of 1776”, 452-468. Pennsylvania Legislative Reference Bureau, https://www.palrb.gov/Preservation/Statutes-at-Large/View-Document/20002099/2023/0/misc/apndx34.pdf.
[LXXXV] James Wilson, “of Government,” Collected Works of James Wilson. Keith L Hall and Mark David Hall eds, 2007. Cited in David B. Kopel, “Posse Comitatus and the Office of Sheriff, Armed Citizens Summoned to the Aid of Law Enforcement,” The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, 104/4 (Fall 2014), 793, (https://deliverypdf.ssrn.com/delivery.php?ID=75909909910007603002202907601808).
[LXXXVI] The Committee of Safety direction to William M. to arrange the Reading of the Declaration of Independence on 8 July indicates that the sheriff had a staff of deputies, but suggests that the constables were an independent organization, one however, which he could direct.
James Deleplaine had been appointed Chief constable in 1773. Scharf and Westcott, 265. Perhaps that was at William M.’s request. They likely knew each other and the sheriff needed someone he could trust to carry out his duties. James Delaplaine’s father had been Bailiff of Germantown when William M.’s father was Sheriff. Hon. Samuel W. L.L.D., Pennypacker, The Settlement of Germantown, Pennsylvania, and the Beginning of German Emigration to North America (Philadelphia, PA: W. J. Campbell, 1899), 287-288. Internet Archive, archive.org.
[LXXXVII] The main constable post was at the statehouse. There were 17 constables and they carried “staves.”
[LXXXVIII] In May 1773, Parliament had passed the Tea Act imposing a three pence duty on the import of tea to the colonies. To colonial politicians, this was a question of constitutionality—taxation without representation— to the ordinary citizen it was an economic burden, raising the price of the only luxury they could afford.
On October 16, legal and political-minded- citizens of Philadelphia met and passed the Pennsylvania Resolution stating that “That the disposal of their own property is the inherent right of freemen; that there can be no property [i.e., especially our money] in that which another can, of right, take from us without our consent; that the claim of Parliament to tax America is, in other words, a claim of right to levy contributions on us at pleasure.”
In November, Philadelphians learned that a shipment of tea was coming to the city aboard the ship Polly, Captain Ayres. A Committee of Tarring and Feathering was formed and numerous handbills were published graphically describing what would happen to the captain or any pilot who brought the ship to Philadelphia. Despite being warned by the pilots when he arrived at Cape Henlopen, Captain Ayres took his ship to Chester, arriving on December 25. A delegation met him there and he was conducted to the city, where on December 27, he was met with a crowd of 8000, the largest ever in Philadelphia, and brought before the committee. Captain Ayres and his waiting consignees were warned and understood what could happen to them and to their tea if they attempted to unload. Wiser heads prevailed. But, the “committee and the citizens had enough to do to protect him from the boys, who did not want to be disappointed of their tarring and feathering.” Surely the presence of the sheriff and his constables were there to assist, and perhaps because of Christmas good will among the crowd, the Philadelphia tea party did not turn violent. The captain was permitted to return to his ship, and with the tea still aboard, sail down Delaware Bay to England. See Scharf and Westcott, 285-287. Also, Thomas B. Taylor, “The Philadelphia Counterpart of the Boston Tea Party, Bulletin of Friends Historical Society of Philadelphia. 2 no. 3 (November 1908): 86-110 and 3 no. 1 (February 1909): 21-49. The Boston Tea Party occurred on 16 December, as Captain Ayres was still coming up the bay. The news may not have yet been reported in the weekly Philadelphia newspapers to stir up the crowd.
[LXXXIX] In June 1774, Parliament responded to the Boston Tea Party by imposing the Coercive Acts, restricting Massachusetts self-government and closing the port of Boston. On the 18th of June, several thousand people gathered in the State House yard to form a Committee of Correspondence to coordinate with other colonies activities in support of Boston. The first meeting was emotional but no disruptions occurred, as the crowd was united in the need for a committee. In June a second meeting to elect the members was potentially dangerous as radical elements of the working classes proposed a slate of “seven artisans and six Germans,” different from the slate proposed by the more moderate members of society who had expected to assume leadership. Trouble was averted as the groups agreed by acclamation to adopt a nineteen-member leadership from both slates. The committee followed the lead of Virginia in calling for a Continental Congress and called upon the Pennsylvania Assembly to name delegates. This was the beginning of the committee system of politics and the beginning of the struggle between moderates and radicals over control of the Pennsylvania Assembly and naming of Pennsylvania delegates to congress. Richard A. Ryerson, The Revolution is Now Begun: The Radical Committees of Philadelphia, 1765-1776 (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), 46, 50-52.
[XC] This meeting brought together the radical elements of Philadelphia into a single organization, which by agitation dictated the legislative and executive actions of the colony and it acted as the governmental authority over Philadelphia. After the elections in May 1775, in which a number of its members were elected to the assembly, the committee got the assembly to legalize its place in the structure of government. In an attempt to dilute the committee’s power, the assembly also created a Committee of Safety to which it gave separate executive and legislative powers for the defense of the colony. Ryerson, 113.
[XCI] As a Quaker colony, Pennsylvania had no militia. In 1747, Benjamin Franklin and other notables established an “Association” under which citizens could form themselves into an informal militia. For their ward. It was active during the French and Indian War period. After Lexington and Concord, they were revived as many of the attending citizens formed themselves into formal militia companies, elected prominent citizens as colonels, petitioned the assembly for funds for arms, and began drilling. They were often referred to as “Associators.” They also became a powerful radical political lobby.
By June, the Provincial Assembly gave the associators official recognition and grouped their companies into three battalions and a number of specialized companies, totaling 2000 men. Organization was territorial, so that normally a company consisted of men from a single township, while a battalion included all the Associators of several neighboring townships. They paraded for congress and for General Washington as he headed to Boston to assume command of the Continental Army. Scharf and Westcott, 1: 295-296.
[XCII] Rioting could have occurred because the only radical elected was the already-famous David Rittenhouse. He was William M.’s nephew. The others elected were moderates, all associated with William M. Henry Antes, his cousin; Thomas Potts III ; and James Potts, Jr. Ryerson, 173.
[XCIII] The meeting had been called by the Philadelphia radicals after they failed to win control of the Assembly in the recent election which would have given them the power to name Pennsylvania’s delegates to Congress and dictate their position for independence. It was called in response to a congressional resolution introduced by John Adams on May 15 1776, clearly intended to change the government in Pennsylvania. It called for “…the respective Assemblies and Conventions of the United Colonies . . . [to] adopt such Government as shall in the opinion of the Representatives of the People best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents. . . .” “Wednesday May 15. 1776,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/01-03-02-0016-0120. The Pennsylvania Assembly needed to be replaced because Assembly President, John Dickinson, said he had no intention of removing the instructions to its delegation to “utterly reject” any proposal for independence. The Pennsylvania Assembly: Instructions to Its Delegates in Congress, 9 November 1775, Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-22-02-0149.
John Adams, watching from the State House, recorded: “We have had an Entertaining Maneuvre, this Morning in the State House Yard…The Weather was very rainy, and the meeting was held in the Open Air, like the Comitia of the Romans.“ He heard that “It was attended by a Multitude of Several Thousands….The very first Town Meeting, I ever saw in Philadelphia and it was conducted with great order, Decency and Propriety.” “From John Adams to James Warren, 20 May 1776,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-04-02-0084.
At the meeting it was resolved that a Provincial Convention ought to be called for inaugurating a new form of government, as recommended by congress. Meanwhile, when congress voted for Independence, Dickenson and Robert Morris abstained and the Pennsylvania delegation voted 3-2 for independence. Dickenson and Morris both signed at the official signing in August. Roland M Bauman, “The Pennsylvania Revolution,” USHistory.org, https://www.ushistory.org/pennsylvania/birth2.html.
[XCIV] Minutes of the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, July 6. When cited in Scharf and Westcott, 320-321 they mistakenly say “Thomas Dewees was sheriff at the time.”
[XCV] This meeting was the first step in the independence of Pennsylvania. They elected those who would serve on the Convention to write a new Constitution for Pennsylvania. Scharf and Westcott. 321.
[XCVI] It had been built at the urging of David Rittenhouse, William M.’snephew, so that the members of Philosophical Society could observe the transit of Venus, a rare and important event for science. “David Rittenhouse.“ Hidden City, https://hiddencityphila.org/2012/06/the-transit-of-venus-starts-here/.
[XCVII] The story has been told many times. This version is from Philip Alan Farmer, “Edward’s Relatives and the American Revolutionary War,” excerpted and edited from the book “Edward Farmar and the Sons of Whitemarsh.” Posted July 4, 2019 (https://www.philipalanfarmer.com/tag/william-farmar-dewees/).
Another version is in “We Declare Independence,” American Heritage, Vol. 36, Issue 1 (December 1984) (https://www.americanheritage.com/we-declare-independence). It is in Sharf and Westcott, 320-321.
[XCVIII] Scharf and Westcott, 321.
[XCIX] Scharf and Westcott, 323.
[C] Pennsylvania Packet, July 8, 1776, p 4.
[CI] Philadelphia’s old “Stone Prison” had been built in the 1720s. The prison portion of the facility housed those awaiting trial, debtors, and runaway apprentices. The workhouse portion held those convicted of theft, vagrancy, and disorder. These were, mainly, unfortunate and not dangerous people. Punishment after conviction for more heinous crimes rarely involved confinement. The statutes of 1767 and 1769 had added counterfeiting, arson, and armed robbery to the list of crimes meriting capitol punishment.
[CII] Annie Anderson, “Prisons and Jails,” The Encyclopedia of Greater Philadelphia, https://philadelphiaencyclopedia.org/essays/prisons-and-jails/. Thorsten Sellin, “Philadelphia Prisons of the Eighteenth Century,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 43, no. 1 (1953): 326-331 (JSTOR, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1005687). J. Thomas Scharf and Thompson Westcott, History of Philadelphia: 1609-1884 (Philadelphia, PA: L. H. Everts & Co., 1884), I:262.
[CIII] The rooms were 20x 18 feet and housed 20-50 prisoners.
[CIV] This is my presumption. It is based solely on the evidence that Smith and Westcott, on several occasions, noted below, cite “Thomas Dewees” as “sheriff.” I take that to suggest that while he was not actually the sheriff, he was subordinate to the sheriff in some way, as a deputy or jailer of the jail over which the sheriff had ultimate authority.
[CV] For examples, see Samuel Hazzard, ed., Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania From Its Organization to the Termination of the Proprietary Government:..Together with the Minutes of the Council of Safety from June 30,, 1775 to November 12, 1776, Both Days Included. (Harrisburg, PA: Published by the State, Theo Fenn &Co., 1852), 10: 360, 386, 402, 403, 424, 456. Archive.org, https://archive.org/details/minutesofprovinc00inpenn/page/358/mode/2up?view=theater&q=Dewees.
Presumably, like the sheriff and other officials, the jailer had to provide a bond and then earn his living from the services he provided. While the committee reimbursed the jailer for food and care of the prisoners at a certain level, Thomas had to make his living by adding a surcharge above that reimbursement. That is not a situation that would provide the jailer with an adequate income yet provide the prisoners with the level of care that they considered appropriate and reasonable.
[CVI] “December 16th, 1775. At a Meeting of the Committee of Safety,” and “In Committee of Safety, Philad’a, December 16th, 1775,” in Hazzard, ed., Minutes, 429.
[CVII] William T. Johnson, “Alan Cameron, A Scotch Loyalist in the American Revolution,” Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies 8, No. 1 (January, 1941): 29-46 (https://journals.psu.edu/phj/article/view/21286/0). Cameron was one of Thomas’ nemesis’.
[CVIII] John F. D. Smyth, A Tour in the United States of America etc….Vol II (London: Robinson, 1784), 282-293 (https://archive.org/details/tourinunitedstat00stua/page/282/mode/1up).
[CIX] “Philadelphia Evening Post, January 18, 1776,” in William Bell Clarke, ed., Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 3:848. (Hereafter, NDAR) Naval History and Heritage Command, https://www.history.navy.mil/content/dam/nhhc/research/publications/naval-documents-of-the-american-revolution/NDARVolume3.pdf. “George Washington to John Hancock, 18 Dec. 1775” in NDAR 3:147. For background, see “Colonel Moses Kirkland,” The American Revolution in South Carolina, https://www.carolana.com/SC/Revolution/loyalist_leaders_sc_moses_kirkland.html.
[CX] A letter from Virginia to the Committee of Safety describes Connolly’s actions while under arrest in Virginia. Hazard, ed. Pennsylvania Archives, Original Series, 4:715 (https://archive.org/details/pennsylvaniaarch04harruoft/page/715/mode/1up).
[CXI] Their experiences with Thomas Dewees are recorded in their memoirs. Much of the text and uncited quotes are based on those sources, unless otherwise noted.
[CXII] Johnson, 39.
[CXIII] “Advertisement in The Pennsylvania Gazette, Wednesday May 15, 1776,” NDAR, 4:1461.
[CXIV] “In congress, 10 May, 1776,” in Hazzard, Minutes 10: 567-568.
[CXV] “Examination Relative to Tories, Philad’a, July 11, 1776,” in John B. Linn and Wm. H. Egle, Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series (Harrisburg, PA: Benj. Singerly State Printer, 1874), 1:611. Family Search, https://www.familysearch.org/search/catalog/485590?availability=Family%20History%20Library.
[CXVI] Scharf and Westcott, 326.
[CXVII] “Lieut. Cameron to the Committee, Philadelphia Goal, 8th June, 1776,” and “Alan Cameron to Thomas Dewees,” Linn and Egle, 1:446-448.
[CXVIII] “War of the Revolution,” Pennsylvania Archives Second Series Vol. XIII, 567, 590, 611, 730-732.
[CXIX] “Alexander Stewart to Committee of Safety, Philad’a Gaol, March 26th, 1776,” Ibid.,590-592.
[CXX] A young girl, living nearby, heard the declaration but could not see from her nearby home. “…being in the lot adjoining to our old mansion house in Chestnut Street, that then extended to 5th Street, I distinctly heard the words of that Instrument read to the people….” Deborah Norris Logan Diaries, (Collection #0380), 1826, The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Cited in Chris Coelho, “The First Public Reading of the Declaration of Independence,” Journal of the American Revolution (https://allthingsliberty.com/2021/07/the-first-public-reading-of-the-declaration-of-independence-july-4-1776/).
[CXXI] Scharf and Westcott, 324.
[CXXII] Ibid.
[CXXIII] Ibid. In this instance and several others, Scharf and Westcott refer to Thomas Dewees, incorrectly, as “the sheriff.”
[CXXIV] Johnson, 42.
[CXXV] Johnson 43-45.
[CXXVI] His escape and return to British control is an amazing story. Smyth 311-348.
[CXXVII] “Carolina Day: Dewees’ trees supported fort,” Charleston Mercury, June 26, 2020 (https://www.charlestonmercury.com/single-post/2020/06/26/carolina-day-dewees-trees-supported-fort). Despite a skipping a generation, this article provides the full story. For genealogy see La Munyan, 88.
[CXXVII] In the Spring of 1776, Samuel Dewees, (V-5) had joined the forming Third Pennsylvania Battalion as a recruiting sergeant under Colonel Shee and enlisted his three sons—John Dewees (V-5-19), William Dewees (V-5-20) and Paul Dewees (V-5-23)—to join him. He sent his other children into indentured service with local Quaker families. He, his wife Elizabeth, and sons went with the battalion to join the Continental Army at New York. The battalion was initially as part of a mobile reserve attached to Brigadier General Thomas Mifflin’s Brigade and did not fight in the Battle of Brooklyn on 27 August. As reserves, they moved forward on August 28 to cover the retreat of the army to Manhattan. They were then sent to work building Fort Washington. They were called forward to fight at the battles of Harlem Heights and White Plains. They returned to Fort Washington to continue construction and be on the right flank of the fort’s defensive positions. By this time, Colonel Shee had left and Colonel Lambert Cadwalader of Philadelphia had replaced him. The British attack on the fort on November 16, drove the forces from Fort Washington and captured 2800 men. Samuel and Paul were among the captured. Fortunately, John and William escaped.
Samuel was transferred to the prison ship Witby in Brooklyn Bay. Fortunately, his wife Elizabeth also escaped. That brave woman tracked down her husband and got permission to stay with him in the horrible conditions aboard the prison ship. She kept him alive while hundreds of others were dying of starvation and disease. She soon became sick herself and managed to talk the prison authorities into releasing them both. They started for home, but Elizabeth became worse and died in Philadelphia. John Smith Hanna, A History of the Life and Services of Captain Samuel Dewees (Baltimore, MD: Robert Neilson, 1844), 77-84. Son Paul was imprisoned in one of the “sugar houses” in New York City. See Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sugar_house_prisons_in_New_York_City. He later was freed and seems to have continued serving throughout the war in a Virginia unit.
Additionally, John Deweese of Delaware (VII-1-6) was with the Delaware Regiment of Washington’s Army from the battles of the New York campaign through the retreat through New Jersey to the Christmas crossing of the Delaware. When the Delaware Regiment returned home, he joined the militia. His brother Daniel Deweese (V-1-13) joined Captain Allen Mc Lanes’ company being recruited at the time. He would fight at Cooches Bridge, Brandywine and Germantown.
[CXXIX] Graham, 96. Citing Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, (Harrisburg, PA: 1852), 10:673.
[CXXX] David L. Salay, “The Production of Gunpowder in Pennsylvania During the American Revolution,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 435-439 (https://journals.psu.edu/pmhb/article/view/43190).
[CXXXI] PA Colonial Records, 11:58.
[CXXXII] “From William Dewees, French Creek Powder Mill Dec. ye 12 th 1776,” Extracts from the Council of Safety in the PA Archives, in La Munyan, 91-92.
[CXXXIII] Pennsylvania Archives, Series: 6, 10:315.
[CXXXIV] James Claypoole, who got the second most votes, seems to have believed that, since Masters declined to serve, he had been elected. He later requested compensation for his service. He wrote to Governor Reed that he had “continued to do business till September following [when the British occupied Philadelphia].” James Claypoole Sheriff of Philadelphia to Pres. Reed. 1780. Pennsylvania Archives, Series 1, 8:321-322. Also, B. M. Chapman, “The Claypooles of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania and Kingston, Jamaica, West Indies,” www.claypoolefamily.com. I have found no evidence that he was active.
[CXXXV] Martin, 101.
[CXXXVI] Scharf and Westcott, 338-339.
[CXXXVII] The Pennsylvania Militia, https://www.phmc.pa.gov/Archives/Research-Online/Pages/Revolutionary-War.aspx#:~:text=The%20Pennsylvania%20Militia%2C%201777%2D1783,estimated%2060%2C000%20men%20were%20enrolled.
[CXXXVIII] Thomas Verenna, “Explaining Pennsylvania’s Militia,” Journal of the American Revolution.
https://philadelphiaencyclopedia.org/essays/prisons-and-jails/.
[CXXXIX] Scharf and Westcott, 340. Also, La Munyan,107. Samuel continued his service throughout the war. In January 1781, during the revolt of the Pennsylvania Continental Line. When President Reed was in Trenton negotiating with the leaders of the mutiny, a “Mr. Dewees,” who could only have been Samuel, was his intermediary carrying his communications to congress. “President Reed to the Committee of Congress, Jan. 9th [1781],” in Pennsylvania in the War of the Revolution-Battalions and Line, II. John Blair Linn and William H. Egle, eds., Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series 1895, 11:693. See Charles S. Yordy, III , “The Pennsylvania Line Mutiny, its Origins and Patriotism,” Penn State University Libraries, https://libraries.psu.edu/about/collections/unearthing-past-student-research-pennsylvania-history/pennsylvania-line-.
[CXL] I have not been able to find his name in any militia rolls. For uniform, see below.
[CXLI] “Explosion at the Powder Mill,” French Creek, March 1777. “Peter DeHaven to Col. John Bull or the Hon’ble Council of Safety.” La Munyan, 92-93. “Continental Powder Works at French Creek,” National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 0MB No. 1024-0018, United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service (https://npgallery.nps.gov/GetAsset/83ea138d-241e-4dba-b4dc-f8075ff591fa).
[CXLII] Pennsylvania Archives Original Series, Vol. 5, p 261-268. “Disposition of Col. William Dewees, 1777,” in Extracts from the Minutes of the Council of Safety in the Pennsylvania Archives in La Munyan, 93.
[CXLIII] When his wife died, Colonel Grubb never got over the loss, became despondent, and he developed an increasing drinking problem and was known for sometimes erratic behavior. On two occasions he was brought before Council to answer for statements he made while drinking; he was acquitted both times, as he had just “behaved in his usual mad way.”
The Grubb brothers were major contributors to the Revolutionary War effort, their Cornwall Ironworks supplied cannon, ammunition, shot and saltpans (used to make salt from seawater) to the Continental forces. George Washington personally visited Cornwall to inspect the facility. Both brothers were elected as militia colonels. “Peter Grubb.” Wikipedia.
[CXLIV] Graham, Appendix B. “William Dewees 1785 Petition to Congress,” 120.
[CXLV] “Board of War to Col. Davis and Others 1777,” in Samuel Hazard, ed., From Original Documents-Commencing 1776. Pennsylvania Archives, Original Series, 5:292.
[CXLVI] “April 26 th, 1777,” Extracts from the Council of Safety in the PA Archives, La Munyan, 90-91.
[CXLVII] “Board of War to President Wharton, Aug. 30, 1777,” in Hazard, Original Series, 5:570. Also, in La Munyan, 92.
[CXLVIII] “To George Washington from Colonel Clement Biddle, 16 September 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-11-02-0236.
[CXLIX] “…all the teams which could be procured (with my own) were assiduously employed to Remove the stores to other Places thought to be more secure & to camp…” Graham, Appendix B, “William Dewees 1785 Petition to congress.” 121.
[CL] Henry Woodman, The History of Valley Forge: With a biography of the author and the author’s father, who was a soldier with Washington at Valley Forge during the winter of 1777 and 1778 (Oaks, PA: John Francis Sr., 1921), 29-40. A family story, perhaps some element of truth.
[CLI] Andrew A. Zellers-Frederick, “The Battle of Valley Forge,” Journal of the American Revolution, https://allthingsliberty.com.
[CLII] There are numerous reports of this encounter. A long and detailed account is in “The British Campaign for Philadelphia and the Occupation of Valley Forge in 1777.” Valley Forge National Park, National Park Service, https://www.nps.gov/vafo/learn/historyculture/upload/Philadelphia%20Campaign.pdf.
[CLIII] “From Alexander Hamilton to John Hancock, Warwick Furnace, Pennsylvania, September 18, 1777.” Founders Online, National Archives (https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-01-02-0282). The letter relates Hamilton’s experience at Valley Forge. Endnote 1 provides Lee’s story.
[CLIV] Scharf and Westcott, 350.
[CLV] Hamilton’s letter (above) relates Hamilton’s experience at Valley Forge. The editor’s endnote 1 provides Lee’s story.
[CLVI] Andrew A. Zellers-Frederick, “The Battle of Valley Forge” says “Hamilton would be supported by the same number of Pennsylvania militia under Colonel Dewees.” William F.’s horse was shot out from under him according to Philip Alan Farmer, “Edward’s Relatives and the American Revolutionary War,” excerpted and edited from the book “Edward Farmar and the Sons of Whitemarsh.” Posted July 4, 2019 (https://www.philipalanfarmer.com/tag/william-farmar-dewees/).
[CLVII] Graham, 98.
[CLVIII] This is a family story related by the daughter of Rachel Dewees Stewart (III-5-24, 1759-1815), who was the daughter of William M. Rachel was 18 and had left Philadelphia as the British arrived to stay with her brother, William F., at Treyffrin. The story appears in various sources. La Munyan, 89, John W. Jordan, et. al., I:42., James, Memorial, 240. However, they all relate the story to the “Mansion House” at the forge, either when the British arrived on 19 September or later during the encampment. Neither the family nor Rachel, were resident in the forge mansion house at either of those times. The relator of the story also says that the house was not burned, and she has a bed from it, which further suggests that it did not happen at the forge mansion house in September. Another version associates it with how Rachel met her future husband, Lieutenant Stewart, when Washington sent him to guard the house during the encampment and his arrival scared off a British raiding party. However, there were unlikely to have been British raiding parties plundering Tredyffrin during the encampment and, even if there were, they would not have been scared off by the arrival of one lieutenant. Consequently, I believe that it must have happened at this time, when the British were arriving to camp in Tredyffrin. Much plundering occurred at that time. (See below). Rachel wasn’t there then, but certainly heard the story when the family had returned and she came to live with them as the British moved into Philadelphia. While there, at that time, Washington likely did send Lieutenant Stewart to check on William F.’s family and home (See below) and Rachel met Thomas then. Like most family stories passed down through the generations it is generally true, but also inaccurate in some details.
[CLIX] The Chester County Register of British Depredations 1777-1782, 171-172, 186. Chester County Archives.
[CLX] Created by Cliff C. Parker, Chester County Archives, 2021. Chester County, PA document center, https://www.chesco.org/DocumentCenter/View/64162/Tredyffrin-1777.
[CLXI] William J. Buck, History of Montgomery County (Norristown, PA E. L. Acker, 1859), 50. Hathi Trust, https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044020568317&view=1up&seq=7.
[CLXII] Thomas McGuire, The Battle of Paoli (Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 2006), 179.
[CLXIII] Graham, 98. For details see Appendix A.
[CLXIV] As described in Part I: William of Germantown, Christina E. Dewees (III-2, 1702-1782) the daughter of William Dewees and Anna Mehls and sister of William M. (III-4, 1711-1777), married John Henry Antes (1701-1755) in 1726 and eventually established a home in Upper Frederick Township, Montgomery County. They had a son Phillip Frederick Antes (III-2-11, 1730-1801).
[CLXV] Today the home is in Upper Frederick Township, Montgomery County. It is a Historic Landmark and Museum located at 318 Colonial Road between Pottstown and Perkiomenville, PA.
[CLXVI] He was Colonel of the Sixth Battalion of the Pennsylvania Militia comprised of men from Limerick, Douglas, Marlborough, New Hanover, Upper Hanover, and Frederick Townships as shown in Egle, ed., Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series, 1896, 13: 590.
[CLXVII] Today Fatland Ford is in Valley Forge National Park, just down the slope behind the Memorial Chapel. Egypt road crosses the river there.
[CLXVIII] “Colonel Frederick Antes House, Colonial Road, September 23 to 26, 1777. ‘Camp on Schuylkill 34 miles from Philadelphia.,’ September 23-Expenses paid at Mr. Antes-£10.12.6.’” in “Washington’s Headquarters During the Revolution,” Wikipedia.com, http://www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Washington%27s_Headquarters_during_the_Revolutionary_War.
[CLXIX] Scharf and Westcott, 350.
[CLXX] Each Wednesday right through the period in the Pennsylvania Gazette there were a number of notices for Sheriff Sales signed by William M.[CLXXI] In stationing the forces for the Battle of Brandywine, the Birmingham Meeting House was being used as a Continental Army hospital manned by personnel from the Eleventh Pennsylvania Regiment. The location had been selected because of its seemingly, out-of-the-way, safe location on the far-right flank of the army, near the roads leading to Chester, Wilmington and Philadelphia. When Howe outflanked Washington and attacked, it ended up between the main forces of two large armies. In charge of that hospital was Samuel Dewees (V-5, ?-1777), who had been captured at Fort Washington, freed by his wife’s efforts and was now on parole in charge of the hospital. Along with him was his 16-year-old son, Samuel Jr. (V-5-22), who he had enlisted as a fifer. As the battle began, young Samuel got his first experience of war. The battle raged around the meeting house and cannon fire shattered the windows. He later recalled “Those of us at the hospital carried the wounded into the meeting house as fast as we could and laid them to the hands of the surgeons who dressed their wounds as fast as possible and sent them off in wagons to Philadelphia. Oh! What a scene…My father and his soldiers…remained at the Brandywine meetinghouse [sic] for the purpose of burying the dead; this they continued to do, until a body of British light horse were beheld coming up a full gallop; my father ordered his men to fly instantly into the woods, telling them at the same time to halt there, until he could join them; he then bade me to run fast for the woods and take care of myself, whilst he was the last to leave. I heeled it like a major and was not the last of the party in gaining the woods.” John Smith Hanna, A History of the Life and Services of Captain Samuel Dewees (Baltimore, MD: Robert Neilson, 1844). 93-94.
[CLXXII] Hanna,125.
[CLXXIII] Today this is St. Peters Lutheran Church, 3025 Church Rd. Lafayette Hill, established in open air in 1772 and built in 1776.
[CLXXIV] Both of these marches took the British army across the property that Henry (III-5, 1716-1801), William M.’s brother had received from William of Germantown n 1738.
[CLXXV] This Rachel Dewees (later Stewart), (III-4-24, 1759-1815), daughter of William M., is often confused with Rachel, (III-4-20-38, 1765-1848), daughter, of William F. Both are shown on various genealogy sites a having a birthdate of 1760. The confusion is understandable because both were living as part of William F.’s family at Tredyffrin in 1777. Rachel Dewees (later Stewart), (III-4-24, 1759-1815), was 18 and met her husband there (see family story above) The other Rachel (III-4-20-38, 1765-1848), the daughter of William F. and Sarah Waters, later married Lieutenant Benjamin Bartholomew (see below). Farmar (III-4-25) survived to marry Mary Barge. There is no information on daughter Sarah (III-4-23), LaMunyan, 38, 40.
[CLXXVI] “To George Washington from Pelatiah Webster, 19 November 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-12-02-0323.
[CLXXVII] Today, Philadelphia’s Washington Square. John Kopp, “Washington Square: From mass graves to mass media,“ Philly Voice, https://www.phillyvoice.com/washington-square-mass-graves-mass-media/.
[CLXXVIII] In 1779, “Jacob Henrigle” paid State Tax on William Dewees, Snr, estate in the City of Philadelphia. Egle, ed;, Pennsylvania Archives, Third Series 14: 795. Henrigle was a tailor who during the war lived in the area of Mulburry Ward around Fifth and Sixth Sts. Tailors and weavers lived and worked out of their homes in that area employed by a contractor who furnished uniforms to the army. He was likely acquiring William M.’s residence to establish a home and shop in a better part of town. “William Dewees“ paid a small amounts of Supply Tax in the Mulberry Ward. He also paid State Tax.
[CLXXIX] “There was a William Deweese [sic.] listed as owning 1400 acres on the tax list for Mulberry Ward, Philadelphia County (Pennsylvania) assessed on December 6, 1779.” “Family of William Deweese (1733-1807),” No citation was given and I have not been able to find it. It is quite conceivable that SheriffWilliam M. acquired that much property by buying land he was offering at Sheriff’s sales. Why in 1779, it was not assessed against one of his heirs or a new purchaser is unknown. The family of William Deweese (1733-1807) speculates that it he may have owned it, but note the difference in spelling between the assessed “William Dewees” and William Deweese (1733-1807).
[CLXXX] Hannah died 30 July 1777. There is a memorial for her in Section Q, VI of the Christ Church cemetery. Find a Grave. Com, https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/11324730/hannah-dewees?_gl=1*1fzrek7*_gcl_au*MTcxMzA1NzM0MC4xNjk. That memorial is also registered on page 547 of the cemetery memorial book.
[CLXXXI] Smyth, J. F. D., A Tour in the United States of America etc….Vol II (London: Robinson, 1784), 332-333.
[CLXXXII] “…St. Thomas Church, and but a few paces from it eastward are numerous mounds on which the tents of the American army were pitched after the battle of Germantown in the grove between the church and the farmhouse. This farmhouse, a not pleasing three story building, which for years stood on the site, [of Churchill Hall, 528 Church Road.] has been removed.” Samuel Fitch Hotchkin, Ancient and Modern Germantown, Mount Airy and Chestnut Hill (1889), 528.
[CLXXXIII] Hope Lodge is today a Pennsylvania Historic site at 553 S. Bethlehem Pike, Fort Washington, PA 19034. It is on original Farmar property and the Farmar mill is about a mile away.
[CLXXXIV] Basically, along what is now Spring Garden Street.
[CLXXXVI] Joseph Galloway (1701-1803) was a Philadelphia lawyer who was elected to the First Continental Congress. He, proposed a plan of union with Britain, which did not pass. He did sign the Continental Association against trading with Britain. Unhappy with the trend toward independence he refused election to the Second Continental Congress. He soon went to New York and became a senior advisor to General Howe. After the British captured Philadelphia, he was appointed Superintendent of the Police and Port. He certainly would have known William M. ,and indeed, would have known what happened to him.
[CLXXXVII] Graham, 99 citing “The Papers of the Continental Congress“, National Archives Microfilm M247, r187,i169, v4, p 166, available online. The document was a deposition by Joseph Cloyd made before Thomas Wharton, the President of the Pennsylvania Supreme Council, which was in Lancaster. It was signed by Joseph Cloyd with his mark and with the signature “William Dewees, Jr.”
[CLXXXVIII] “From George Washington to General William Howe, 14–15 November 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-12-02-0240. After retreating all the way to Worchester Township, On October 20, Washington moved the army into Whiteplain township until November 2. See, “General Orders, 20 October 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-11-02-0569. From there they moved into Whitemarsh. Washington’s defensive line there was in what is today Fort Washington Pennsylvania State Park. The defensive line ran from “Militia Hill” on the west to “Camp Hill” on the east. Today, a drive along Militia Hill Road from Stenton Avenue to Bethlehem Pike covers that area. It parallels I 276 from the Plymouth Meeting (I 476) exit to the Ft. Washington (PA 309) exit.
[CLXXXIX] “To George Washington from Captain Allen McLane, 28 November 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-12-02-0428.
[CXC] “To George Washington from Major John Clark, Jr., 29 November 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-12-02-0433. Clark’s exploits are described in Kenneth A. Daigler, Spies, Patriots and Traitors (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2014), 137-140. “To George Washington from Major John Clark, Jr., 1 December 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-12-02-0443.
[CXCI] Her story has been told many times. It is based on Elias Boudinot, Journal or Historical Recollections of American Events during the Revolutionary War. (Philadelphia, PA: Frederick Bourquin, 1894), 50-51. In this journal he claims to have “managed the Intelligence of the Army.” Lyndia Darragh and her story are also described in Mellisa Lukeman Bohrer, “Lydia Darragh, of the Revolution,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography Vol. 23, no. 1 (1899): 86-91 and more recently in Daigler, 140-141 and various articles on the Journal of the American Revolution, https://www.allthingsliberty.com.
[CXCII] “To George Washington from William Dewees, Jr., 4 December 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-12-02-0496.
[CXCIII] Ibid., endnote 1 describes in detail from British sources that the march was planned and then delayed.
[CXCIV] Today the designated neighborhood of “Frankford” does not include the tavern area. They are, however, only two miles apart. Frankford, like Kensington was a village just outside the Northern Liberties of Philadelphia.
[CXCV] The Northern Liberties Township was the area north of Vine Street between N. Sixth Street and the Delaware River. A small creek was the northern border (Today that buried under various streets). The area lay was just east of Ridge Pike and Germantown Pike the routes that Howe’s army would take out of town to attack Washington. Thomas had placed a notice in the paper about finding a pocket book and money and giving his address (https://www.ancestry.com/mediaui-viewer/collection/1030/tree/10631919/person/272328529761/media/7119c56).
[CXCVI] Note 1 to “To George Washington from William Dewees, Jr., 4 December 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-12-02-0496 gives Boudinot’s full report and information on Lydia Darragh, then gives the details of British planning and movements, based on original sources, which confirm William F.’s report.
[CXCVII] At the junction of Germantown Road and Bethlehem Pike (see Map 3) stood the Maple Leaf Inn. The date of its erection remains a question, and as to its first use the earlier historians have left little room for posterity…In the time of the Revolution, it served as the temporary quarters of General Howe.
[CXCVIII] For a good summary, see “To George Washington from Major General Nathanael Greene, 1 December 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-12-02-0445.
[CXIX] Benjamin H. Newcomb, “Washington’s Generals and the Decision to Quarter at Valley Forge,” Washington Papers, https://washingtonpapers.org/resources/articles/washingtons-generals-and-the-decision-to-quarter-at-valley-forge/.
[CC] Sheila Vance, “Valley Forge’s Threshold: The Encampment at Gulph Mills,” Journal of the American Revolution, https://allthingsliberty.com/2019/11/valley-forges-threshold-the-encampment-at-gulph-mills/.
[CCI] “General Orders, Head Quarters, at the Gulph [Pa.] Decr 17th 1777,” “General Orders, 17 December 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-12-02-0566.
[CCII] King of Prussia Historical Society, http://www.kophistory.org/thanksgiving-in-the-gulph/.
“On November 1, after the victory of General Gates over the British forces of General Burgoyne at Saratoga, New York, and evidence that the French would now support the Revolution, Congress had proclaimed a “Solemn Thanksgiving and Praise” and “to inspire our Commanders both by Land and Sea, and all under them, with that Wisdom and Fortitude which may render them fit Instruments, under the Providence of Almighty GOD, to secure for these United States the greatest of all human blessings, INDEPENDENCE and PEACE…” The full text is in Vance.
[CCIII] This is a far higher count than normally cited. (Such as those shown in “Divisions,” “Brigades, or “Regiments” in the Muster Roll Project, https://valleyforgemusterroll.org/continental-army/divisions/). It is based on the first comprehensive analysis of present-in-camp troop strength of George Washington’s army at Valley Forge between December 19, 1777 and June 19, 1778—based on a study of twenty-seven completed returns during the encampment as well as a comparison to the most immediate returns before and subsequent to these. Michael C. Harris and Gary Ecelbarger, “A Reconsideration of continental Army Strength at Valley Forge,” Journal of the American Revolution, https://allthingsliberty.com/2021/05/a-reconsideration-of-continental-army-numerical-strength-at-valley-forge/.
Among those soldiers were a number of Dewees men. William M.s brother Henry Dewees (III-5, 1716-1801) still had time to run on his one-year term of service and entered Valley Forge with the Third Pennsylvania Regiment, under Colonel Thomas Craig. Hopefully, he got some time to visit home. The Fourth Pennsylvania Regiment, now under Colonel Lambert Cadwalader included the Dewees brothers from Berks County, John (V-5-19) and William (V-5-20). The Delaware Regiment, including the Dewees men; Samuel (VII-3), Joshua (VII-3-19), Cornelius (VII-2-14), and John (VII-9-21 marched with the army to Valley Forge. They stayed only long enough for Joshua to get frostbite. Then, they moved to the area of Wilmington and Chester and only rejoined the army at Valley Forge in May 1778.Patton’s Independent Regiment, including McLanes Company was at Valley Forge with the army. Daniel Deweese, however, was not with them. He had apparently been captured at either Brandywine or Germantown. Also arriving at Valley Forge was sixteen-year-old Samuel Dewees (V-5-22), younger brother of those Dewees brothers in the Fourth Regiment. His father had died from disease while serving at a hospital and now he was an orphan. He was seeking to reunite with the only family he knew, the officers and men of the Eleventh Pennsylvania Regiment. He found a friendly sergeant who took him to Colonel Richard Humpton, now commanding the regiment. The Colonel took him as a servant to his mistress, who he kept in a home near the camp. The Pennsylvania Militia had been greatly reduced in size as the troops mobilized for three months to fight at Brandywine and Germantown, including the nephews of William M. William (III-5-26. 1752-1826), Jacob (III-5-27, 1755-1829), and Henry Jr. (III-5-28, 1757-1802) Dewees, sons of Henry Dewees (III-5, 1716-1801), had returned home.
[CCIV] “What Happened at Valley Forge,” Valley Forge National Historic Park, National Park Service, https://www.nps.gov/vafo/learn/historyculture/valley-forge-history-and-significance.htm.
[CCV] “…archaeological investigations had failed to provide evidence of a single hut matching Washington’s instructions exactly. Instead, archaeologists had found traces of crude shelters that differed from one another considerably in the location of chimneys, the construction of joints, and in wall and roof treatments. The collective evidence led to the conclusion that the urgency with which shelters must have been constructed during the winter of 1777—1778 would have prevented the army from building huts as uniform and neatly lined up.” Lorett Treese, “Chapter Seven (continued),” The Making and Remaking a National Symbol (State College, PA: Pennsylvania state University Press, 1995), no page numbers. https://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/vafo/treese/treese7a.htm.
[CCVI] William Dewees’ 1785 petition to Congress. Graham, Valley Forge Folklore, 102. Also, Appendix B.
[CCVII] Graham, 92.
[CCVIII] Deborah Pywell Potts Hewes was the second wife of Thomas Potts, Jr. (1720 -1762) By marriage to Thomas, Jr., she became a step-aunt to Isaac Potts. When William F. married Sarah Potts, she became his widowed step-mother-in-law. They both knew her well. At the time she was married to Caleb Hewes, a Philadelphia hatter. She had probably left Philadelphia with her two Hewes children before the British arrived. Her husband was still there living in the Pywell family home, which she had obtained at her father’s death. Graham, Valley forge Folklore, 3-58 gives her life story.
[CCIX] From advertisement by Isaac Potts. Graham, Valley Forge folklore, 12.
[CCX] Charles W. Snell (1972-03-02), “National Register of Historic Places Inventory-Nomination: Washington’s Headquarters (Isaac Potts House)” National Park Service, 1971. Graham, 65 says “…from February 5, 1778 until 8 June.”
[CCXI] “What Happened at Valley Forge,” Valley Forge National Historic Park.
[CCXII] From letter from Howard Wood, in Jordan, et. al., 45.
[CCXIII] There is a family story that as Lieutenant Thomas Stewart was arriving to guard the mansion house, his arrival scared off a British raiding party plundering the home. Washington likely would have sent Stewart or someone to check on the house and guard it prior to his arrival. There is no doubt that Thomas Stewart met and married Rachel Dewees. There is no doubt the home was plundered. William F. received compensation. I don’t think they were necessarily related. I believe the plundering happened when the British occupied Tredyffrin in September (see above)
[CCXIV] This “Rachel Dewees” was the daughter of William M. and Rachel Farmar Dewees, Rachel Farmar (III-5-24, 1759-1815) who was 18. It was not Rachel Potts Dewees (III-4-20-38, 1765-1848) the daughter of William F. and Sarah Potts, who, at the time was only 12 and who later married Benjamin Bartholomew. They were both living at the home in 1777.
[CCXV] This is another family story. Jordan, et. al., 42-43.
[CCXVI] “The stone building near Washington’s headquarters [i.e., the large building facing Gulph Rd. about 300 yards from Washington’s Headquarters labelled as “Old Dwelling” #4 on MAP 6]…has been called ‘The Bake House,’ but had previously been referred to by the Valley Forge Park Commission as ‘The Col Dewees Mansion’ and was, from the 1870’s until its restoration, well known as the ‘Washington Inn.’” “…The property which was first built upon between 1725 and 1740, was owned in mid-century by John Potts, founder of Pottstown, and builder of ‘Pottsgrove.’ It was subsequently owned, in succession, by his sons John Jr., Joseph and David: it was their brother Isaac, who owned Washington’s Headquarters during the Encampment. At the time of the Revolution, the owner was David Potts, a Philadelphia merchant [and half-owner of Valley Forge with William F.] who used the place as a summer home…Until contrary evidence is produced, it appears that it would be incorrect to give the name ‘Dewees’ or ‘Ironmaster’s to the Bake House.” Worksheet: Classified Structure Field Inventory Report, Valley Forge National Historical Park. Structure’s Name (Historic) David Potts House (The Bake House) Structure 103. Worksheet 1A, 1-2, undated. Courtesy of the Architect, Valley Forge National Historical Park.
[CCXVII] Christopher Ludwick (Ludwig) (1720- 1801) was born in Germany. By 1754 he had set up as a baker in Philadelphia, specializing in gingerbread for the Philadelphia elite. He had a farm in Germantown. He joined the Continental army in the summer of 1776. He was appointed Baker-General on May 3, 1777. He is buried in the Lutheran Cemetery in Germantown. “Christopher Ludwig, Baker-General in the Army of the United States during the Revolutionary War,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography Vol. 16, No. 3 (Oct.,1892), pp. 343-348. Also, William Ward Condit, “Christopher Ludwick, The Patriotic Gingerbread Baker,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 81, no. 4 (October 1957), 372-373.
[CCXVIII] Letters of William Bradford, Deputy Commissary General of Musters, supply an account of the production, presumably hilarious, of Addison’s Cato by officer corps thespians. Bodle and Thibaut, 26.
[CCXIX] La Munyan, 89 says that “Col. Dewees is said to have built the large ovens in the cellar of the house of his cousin, David Potts, who had probably removed from his summer house to the city for security.“ She gives no source. That may have been based on William F.’s letter asking for bakers to be sent to Valley Forge. La Munyan, 92. On the other hand, a detailed forensic architectural survey of the David Potts House states: “No documentation or architectural evidence has been found to suggest any form of oven was located in this cellar.” Worksheet: Classified Structure Field Inventory Report, Valley Forge National Historical Park. Structure’s Name (Historic) David Potts House (The Bake House) Structure 103, 8.
An earlier architectural survey in the late 1940s by George Edwin Brumbaugh, then architect for “improvements to Valley Forge Park, “eagerly sought evidence of these ovens…he found nothing in the cellar….” While “…some of Washington’s orders, [there are places] in which the general referred to the “Bake-House by Headquarters…During the encampment itself, bread was probably still baked at this general location for the use of those quartered at or near Washington’s Headquarters. But the house had in no way served as a central bakery for the whole Continental Army, nor were there ever any ovens in the cellar…the ovens the house had possessed had probably been conventionally located outside the house somewhere near the kitchen.” Treese, “Chapter Seven (continued). Nevertheless, “In interpreting the bake house, we are presuming, on the basis of tradition, that the structure now so known is indeed the same building referred to as the ‘Bakehouse’ in period documents.” Wayne K. Bodle and Jacqueline Thibaut, “Co-ordinating Research Historians Valley Forge Historical Research Project,” United States Department of the Interior National Park Service Valley Forge National Historical Park H. Gilbert Lusk, Superintendent Valley Forge, Pennsylvania May, 1980. http://npshistory.com/publications/vafo/vfr-3.pdf.
[CCXX] “What Happened at Valley Forge.”
[CCXXI] Bucks, History, 12.
[CCXXII] Graham, 102.
[CCXXIII] “William Dewees” and “Samuel Dewees,” paid Effective Supply Tax in the City of Philadelphia. That may have been William F. and brother Samuel paying taxes for previous year on William M.’s home or some inheritance. “William Dewees” paid the same tax in Norriton Township. Egle, ed., Pennsylvania Archives, Third Series 14: 531, and 14: 674. respectively. “William Dewees” paid taxes in 1779 on property in Upper Merion Township near Tredyffrin. Egle, Pennsylvania Archives, Third Series 14: 724.
[CCXXIV] Graham, Appendix A.
[CCXXV] Sarah Waters Dewees, stepmother to Rachel Farmar Dewees, was the daughter of Ann Bartholomew Waters.
[CCXXVI] Graham, 102.
[CCXXVII] Graham, Appendix B.
[CCXXVIII] Graham, 103.
[CCXXIX] Graham, 104-117. Sarah kept submitting the petition and ,in 1818, the family received $8000 for the damage done by the British. William F. and Sarah’s son, Waters, continued to petition for reimbursement for the damage done by the Continental army until his death in 1832.
[CCXXX] Chester County Deed Book Index, R2:258. Also, Chester County Sheriff Deeds, Docket 1:45. Chester County Archives. Sarah continued to live there and is shown in 1820 census in Tredyffrin.
[CCXXXI] She sold some to William’s friend John Bull in 1821. Chester County Deed books, S3:346 and A4:135, respectively. She passed some property there to her son Waters in the same year.
[CCXXXII] Since Sarah and his adult sons were advocating on his behalf to recover some compensation for his estate, they assuredly would have given him a hopeful family service and burial in the Tredyffrin area. There is a memorial of his burial in Great Valley Baptist Church, Devon (https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/117960209/william-farmar-dewees). However, there is no picture and since Farmar doesn’t cite it is doubtful.[CCXXXIII] Graham is the best source on William F. Regarding his death, Graham is uncertain. Heading the section of Valley Forge Folklore devoted to William F. , on page 92, is (William Dewees, c1737-c.1792). On page 108, he says “Probably before 1794, but definitely in his widow’s claim in1811, William Dewees died.” On page 102, based on legal filings concerning his bankruptcy, Graham states “His exact date and place of death are unknown but he appears to have died about 1809.”
[CCXXXIV] See Pennsylvania, U.S., Oyer and Terminer Court Papers, 1757-1787 for Thomas Dewees. Ancestry, https://www.ancestry.com/imageviewer/collections/2385/images/33018_263157-00237?pId=15490.
[CCXXXV] Christ Church Philadelphia, Christ Church Collections Online, Parish Registers, Philadelphia GeoHistory Database, https://www.philageohistory.org/rdic-images/ChristChurch/search-register.cfm?ln=Dewees&fn=Thomas&t=Baptism&s=ln. That record shows all six children. Hannah was baptized on 8 December and the others on 9 December. There may have been a separate ceremony for Hannah because she died earlier (see above).
[CCXXXVI] The Effective Supply Tax was levied from 1779-1783, to support the war effort. Those who paid it were considered “Patriots.” William Henry Egle, ed., Proprietary, Supply, and State Tax Lists: 1769, 1774, 1779 (Harrisburg, PA: State Printer of Pennsylvania, 1897). Pennsylvania Archives, Series 3,14:655.
[CCXXXVII] “Charges for Contempt of Duty, 10 April 1781,” Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Newspapers.com. This item was found by Kyle Dewees and posted on Ancestry 0n May 7, 2023. https://www.ancestry.com/mediaui-viewer/collection/1030/tree/10631919/person/272328529761/media/623b14d2-0614-4990-9ed3-5e3563b0323b?_phsrc=mur75&usePUBJs=true&galleryindex=2&albums=pg&showGalleryAlbums=true&tab=0&pid=272328529761&sort=-createdhttps://www.ancestry.com/mediaui-viewer/collection/1030/tree/10631919/person/272328529761/media/623b14d2-0614-4990-9ed3-5e3563b0323b?_phsrc=mur75&usePUBJs=true&galleryindex=2&albums=pg&showGalleryAlbums=true&tab=0&pid=272328529761&sort=-created.
[CCXXXVIII] His will was dated the administration of his probate is dated May, 28 1783. “Thomas Dewees,” Pennsylvania, U.S., Wills and Probate Records, 1683-1993. The inventory of his estate shows he had a well-furnished home and, surprisingly, only one “gun.” His probate notice was published January 19, 1784.
Below is the second part of an e-book authored by William H. J. Manthorpe, Jr. titled “William DeWees of Germantown (1680-1745)“. While this book was written to be shared with his immediate family, William H. J. Manthorpe, Jr. graciously offered to share his book with descendants of Wilhelm “William” DeWees by posting segments of the book in our family blog. As noted in part one (see Part One-William DeWees of Germantown 1680-1745), William Dewees was born Wilhelm Gerrit de Wees in March 1680; and his parents are Gerrit Hendricks de Wees (1641-1701) and Sijtske “Zytian” Lieuwes (1649-1703). A descendant of Gerrit Hendricks de Wees (1641-1701), William H. J. Manthorpe, Jr. is a retired naval intelligence officer and now researches, speaks, and writes on the naval heritage of Delaware. He is the author of two books (A Century of Service: The U.S. Navy on Cape Henlopen, Lewes, Delaware: 1898-1996 & American Naval Ships Named Delaware: Those Who Built Them and Sailed in Them) and has authored a number of articles published in the Journal of the American Revolution.
Gerrit Hendricks de Wees & Sijtske “Zytian” Lieuwes
are the 7th-Great maternal Grandparents of Eula Claudine Reed
Part 2-Henry Dewees of Chestnut Hill and Springfield (1716- 1801)[I]
William Dewees had come to Germantown with his parents and siblings in March 1690.[III] They settled on a 50-acre property on Germantown Avenue, next to the property of William Rittenhouse.[IV] Rittenhouse soon established a papermill on a small tributary of Wissahickon Creek, itself a tributary of the Schuylkill River. That is credited as being the first papermill in British North America.[V] Soon, young William was working in the Rittenhouse paper mill, learning the trade and business from his older brother-in-law, Claus Rittenhouse.
After the Rittenhouse papermill was destroyed in a flood, the death of his father in 1701, and his mother in 1703, William, age 23 set out on his own. He took a mortgage and maintained the original family home for himself and his two younger brothers.[VI] As a freeholder, he began participating in the government of Germantown, holding a variety of positions. About 1704, twenty-four-year-old William Dewees married fourteen-year-old Anna Christina Mehls (1690-1749), the daughter of Hans Heinrich Mehls (1660-1715) and Anna Catherine (Stenin) Mehls (1674-1720).[VII]
In 1710, William Dewees bought 100 acres of land, farther northwest along Germantown Road from the original family home. It was on the south west side of Germantown Avenue, and on the west side of Wissahickon Creek, in Chestnut Hill, just at the edge of Germantown Township.[VIII] He established a new family home and, on the creek nearby, he built the second papermill in Pennsylvania.[IX] That home and papermill would become the locus of Henry’s boyhood.
Map 1: Estimated location of William DeWees family home (H) and papermill (M). Today in the Harpers Meadow area of Philadelphia’s Fairmount Park, there is a stone, marking the 1710 Dewees home.[X]
Image on the Left: Dewees home as it appeared in about 1860. Courtesy Germantown Historical Society. Catalog 2010.361.1. According to the Historical Society, by that time, most originally stone homes had been covered with stucco. Image on the Right: Dewees house by Frank H. Taylor. From Frank H. Taylor, Old Philadelphia, image #368.
Once William had established a business and had his own home, he and Anna Christina settled down to start their family. Two sons and a daughter were born, Garrett (III-1,1710- 1778) and William Mehls (III-4,1711-1777), and a sister, Christina Elizabeth (III-2, 1702-1782).[XI]
Only three years later, however, William sold his mill, and the 100 acres of land on which he had established it, to a group of investors led by his brother-in-law, Claus Rittenhouse. Nevertheless, he, Anna Christina, and the children continued to live in the home and he continued to operate the mill, along with a Rittenhouse in-law.
Their family continued to grow. Henry (III-5/1716- 1801) was the fifth child and third boy. Eventually, there would be eight children.[XII]William, meanwhile, turned his attention to establishing and sustaining the Reformed Church at Whitemarsh. Today, it is considered to be the foundation of all the Reformed Church denominations in the United States.[XIII]
Henry grew up in this home, which also served as his father’s church. He enjoyed a boys’ typically carefree life, exploring the nearby open fields and wading in the creek. He also watched and did odd jobs for his father and the workers as they worked and maintained the paper mill.
Henry Gets His Start in Life
In 1726, Henry’s older sister, Christina E., married Henry Antes (1701-1755).[XIV] In 1729, William repurchased 93 acres of the 100 acres that he had earlier sold. This did not include the 1710 home and paper mill and the seven acres of land on which they were located. They were retained and continued to be operated by the Rittenhouse group. Nevertheless, the family, continued living in the 1710 house.
Meanwhile, William, in conjunction with his son-in-law Henry Antes, built a new home, grist mill and paper mill on the repurchased land, on the other (east) side of Wissahickon Creek, somewhat downstream from the 1710 home and mill. The Antes lived in that new home, Henry Antes operated the grist mill and William operated the paper mill, with thirteen-year-old Henry as his apprentice.
In 1736, Henry Antes bought a grist mill of his own and built a home in Frederick Township.[XV] He and Christina E. and their children moved there. William, Anna Christina, and children moved into the Antes home. Now twenty, Henry took over operating the new paper mill. William, however, continued his management interest. In 1740, he sent Benjamin Franklin a second shipment of “large printing paper.“[XVI]
In 1738, William sold Henry a 143-acre tract of land on Sprogels Run and the Schuylkill River near Pottstown, Pennsylvania.[XVII] In the same year Henry bought 125 acres of land in Springfield, Township from his father.[XVIII] In 1739, Henry held several other warrants for other land to buy or sell.[XIX]
Then, Henrybegan thinking about marriage. While he may have had someone in mind, he must not have been sure of her acceptance. In November 1743, he took out a marriage license, but did not list an intended wife, as almost every other man did.[XX]
When his father, William, died in 1745, he left Henry a token five shilling in his will. He had been well taken care of outside the will by becoming the owner and operator of the new paper mill. His older brother, Garrett (III-1/1710- 1778) the executor, however, inherited the new home, grist mill and the 93 acres of surrounding land. Several years later, Garrett transferred all that he had inherited to his father-in-law, William Streeper, and departed for New Jersey.[XXI] That made Streeper, who was a partner in the Rittenhouse investors group owning the original 1710 family home and papermill complex of seven acres, the owner of all the 1710 Dewees Chestnut Hill property, including the grist mill and new home in which Anna Christina was still living. All that Henry had of his father’s the original property was the new mill and the one-half acre on which it sat.
Anna Christina died in 1749 and was buried alongside her husband in the Upper Burial Ground in Germantown. Streeper soon sold some the original property, the 1710 house and paper mill to the Paul family.
Henry Dewees of Springfield
Since he did not inherit the home upon his father’s death, Henry moved to his property in Springfield. There, he established his home and operated several mills.[XXII] That would be his family home for the rest of his life.
Map 2: The Springfield land that Henry bought from his father in 1738 is outlined in red. The mills he had are circled. The original 1710 paper mill is not shown on the map, although Henry still owned it in 1777, the date of the map. (Red dot. See Map 3). Note, Paul’s Mill, (underlined) is the original Dewees 1710 paper mill.
It wasn’t until about 1750 that Henry got married. He married Rachel Huste (1721-1805).[XXIII] She had married William Dewees (V-3, ?), a cousin of Henry’s, on November 3, 1743.[XXIV] That was the same month in which Henry took out his open-ended marriage license.[XXV] It seems that she chose William instead of Henry.
Whatever circumstances occurred in the intervening seven years that finally brought Henry and Rachel together, it was well worth the wait.[XXVI]Henry and Rachel had six boys: William (III-5-26, 1752-1826), Jacob (III-5-27, 1755-1829), Henry Jr. (III-5-28, 1757-1801), John (III-5-29, 1760-1835), and Charles (III-5-30, 1761-1828), followed by another son and two daughters.[XXVII]Rachel also had three children by her previous marriage, who she may have brought to the family.[XXVIII]
Henry and Rachel settled into the Springfield property as landowners, developing the land and owning mills. By 1767, Henry was prosperous enough to begin buying back various portions of the Chestnut Hill property that once comprised the 100 acres on which the 1710 home and paper mill had been. He acquired an eight-acre parcel of land that protected his access and rights to the water of the Wissahickon Creek and provided road access to the 1729 paper mill, which he had inherited and was operating it or renting it out at the time. He also acquired 19 other acres of the original 1710 family land, but was not able to reacquire the home, which was on land owned by the Pauls (See Map 3, below).
Map 3:[XXIX] This map shows the 120 acres that Henry bought from his father in 1738 and the half-acre of land around the paper mill that he retained at his father’s death in 1745 and continued to own. In 1768, Henry acquired eight acres along the creek that assured water rights for the mill and also provided road access to the mill (outlined in red). In 1767, Henry had also acquired 19 acres of the original family land, but was not able to acquire the 1710 family home, owned by the Paul family (Red square in Harpers Meadow).
In 1771, Joseph Pilmore, a well-known itinerant preacher, wrote that he had dined in “Chestnut Hill” with his “Honored Friend, William Dewees.“[XXX] By that time, Henry’s older brother, William M., had become the Sheriff of Philadelphia and was living there. He owned no property in Chestnut Hill. Perhaps, Pilmore dined with William M. and Henry in a house or tavern on the property owned by Henry along Germantown Avenue (See Map 3, above).
As war approached, Henry had built his 1738 Springfield property into a prosperous farm, producing grain for his mills and support for the family. In 1769 he had paid taxes in Springfield Township on properties for 120 acres, four horses, five cattle, and one servant. By 1774, he paid a provincial tax for 160 acres, three horses, six cattle, and a servant.[XXXI] Paying taxes on a “servant” suggests that servant was owned.
Independence and War
The first Dewees family members to be at war were from the family of Henry’s younger brother Phillip, (III-8, 1724-1778), who had moved to South Carolina. His son, Cornelius (III-8-34, 1745-1786), Henry’s nephew, helped build Fort Moultrie on Sullivans Island off Charles Town (Charleston), SC. He served there in late June 1776, as the fort repelled the first British attempt to capture that important port city. That is credited with being “the first great colonial victory of the Revolutionary War.“[XXXII]
On July 8, 1776, Henry’s brother, Sheriff William M. Dewees, had the honor of leading the delegation to a platform near the State House in Philadelphia and call out, “Under the authority of the Continental Congress and by order of the Committee of Safety, I proclaim a declaration of independence.“[XXXIII]
As Henry’s brother, William M., was proclaiming the Declaration, British troops were landing on Staten Island. Over the next month, the ships of Admiral Lord Richard Howe arrived with a total of 32,000 soldiers of the army of General Sir William Howe. On August 21, the British landed on Long Island. General Howe quickly outflanked and routed Washington. The army withdrew to Brooklyn Heights and then to Manhattan. Over the next months, Washington was forced out of Manhattan to Harlem Heights, then to White Plains, then lost Ft. Washington and Ft. Lee in New Jersey. By Fall, Washington’s army was retreating south in New Jersey with General Lord Charles Cornwallis in pursuit (see Our Ancestors in Washington’s Battle with Smallpox-revised). Washington got his army across the Delaware on December 8. Philadelphia seemed threatened.
Chaos reigned in Philadelphia, Henry’s brother, Sheriff William M. was trying to maintain order and safety. Martial law was established. Congress adjourned on the 12th of December and decamped to Baltimore. It was during this time that Thomas Paine composed his pamphlet, “The American Crisis,” which began with the recognized phrase, “These are the times that try men’s souls.”
Washington was not to be beaten. He led the remnants of his army across the Delaware on Christmas Eve 1776 to surprise Cornwallis’ Hessians at Trenton. They recrossed to take on and soundly defeat the British at Princeton. General Howe decided it was time to withdraw his army to the New York area for the winter. Washington moved his army to Moorestown, New Jersey to recover and keep watch on Howe.
Anong those who were with Washington during these hard times were the Philadelphia Associators, an informal, locally supported militia.[XXXIV] The associators, however, did not quarter with the army at Morristown, most deserted and returned home. While proud, they were ill-nourished, ill-clothed and fatigued. Most of all, they were angry that many others had not served to defend the city.
Henry Dewees and His Sons Called to Military Service
As a consequence of the associators’ dissension, in March 1777, the Pennsylvania Assembly passed a militia bill, replacing the association with a militia. It was to be formed of all able-bodied white males between the ages of eighteen and fifty-three. Exemptions were limited only to the educated upper classes and Quakers. Volunteer substitutes could be employed. It was a militia of the common man. An estimated 60,000 men were enrolled.[XXXV]
Each county was to form a battalion of eight battalion districts of no less than 640 men. These districts could cover a township or several smaller townships. The battalion districts were formed into local companies and the men in each company were assigned by lottery to “classes.” These company classes were the basis for calling the troops to militia training or service with the Continental Army.
When Pennsylvania was required to call up a levy of militia troops to serve in the Continental Army, the process and resulting organization was, from a military point of view, bizarre. One military historian who has studied it has written: “The Pennsylvania Militia system was just a messy pile of, well, you know. Let’s agree it was a disaster….” [XXXVI] That process was hardly a formula for creating a cohesive and dedicated fighting force.
To administer this system, officials titled “Lieutenant” were appointed for each county battalion and “Sub-Lieutenant” for each battalion district. They were also given courtesy military ranks of “Colonel” and “Lieutenant Colonel,” respectively. These men, however, were civilian employees performing organizational-administrative tasks under the direction of the civil government. Their military ranks gave them no military command authority.[XXXVII]Henry’s nephews, the sons of his brother Sheriff William M. Dewees, were Battalion District Sub-Lieutenants: Samuel Dewees (III-4-22, c 1745-?) in Philadelphia County[XXXVIII] and William F. Dewees of Valley Forge (III-4-20, c. 1737- ?) for Tredyffrin, Schuylkill, and East Pikeland Townships of Chester County.[XXXIX]
The initial militia enrollment included Henry’s three older sons; William (III-5-26. 1752-1826), Jacob (III-5-27, 1755-1829), and Henry Jr. (III-5-28, 1757-1802). Henrywas also in the militia. At age sixty, he was well over the fifty-three-year age limit required for service, and therefore, must have been serving as a volunteer replacement. He was likely serving in place of his fourth son John (III-5-29, 1760-1835), who was just seventeen. His fifth son Charles (III-5-30, 1761-1828), had not yet turned sixteen and was not eligible for the initial militia enrollment. Henry’s stepson, William (V-3-10, ?), would also have been eligible for the militia.[XL]
In the Spring of 1777, the General Howe began mobilizing his army in New York. There was little doubt he was preparing to move. Where was unknown. North, to support General Burgoyne moving south from Canada, or somewhere south, Philadelphia? Washington moved part of his army to the north side of the Delaware River near crossings, watching and waiting to move either way.
In April, at the order of congress, three thousand Pennsylvania Militia were called out to establish militia camps at Chester and Bristol to assist Washington’s crossing into Pennsylvania, if necessary to defend Philadelphia. In early June, Washington sent General Thomas Mifflin to prepare the city. He warned the assembly of an expected attack and asked that the militia be ready to march on a moment’s notice. He addressed a meeting of citizens to warn them of the threat and told a meeting of new militia-men to be prepared to be called up.[XLI]
On June 24, the Supreme Executive Council of the Pennsylvania Assembly called up the first and second classes of the Philadelphia County Militia, along with those classes of other counties’ militia. They would serve for one year.[XLII]Henry was a Private in the Second Class of the Seventh Pennsylvania Militia Battalion.[XLIII]
Thus, on active duty, Henry would serve in the Second Battalion, Seventh or G Company of Germantown men.[XLIV] By May 22, that battalion was part of the Third Pennsylvania Regiment, commanded by Colonel Thomas Craig, in the Third Pennsylvania Brigade, under Brigadier General Thomas Conway, in the Continental Army.[XLV] Those officers were faced with an immense task of turning the new levy of troops into a capable fighting unit.[XLVI] Fortunately, many of those in the militia were former associators or dedicated patriot volunteers, like Henry.[XLVII]
In late July, 1777, a huge fleet of ships commanded by Admiral Howe and carrying the army of General William Howe, arrived off Cape Henlopen. They were clearly heading for Philadelphia. Curiously, they sailed away. It wasn’t until August 26, that it was learned that the British had landed at the Head of the Elk River, at the northernmost end of Chesapeake Bay. After a rest, the army moved into Delaware, skirmishing with militia and Washington’s scouting parties at Cooch’s Bridge, and into Pennsylvania.
The Philadelphia and Chester County Militias were mobilized to support the Continental Army in defense of the city. Henry’s sons; William, Jacob and Henry, Jr. served in Captain Heydrich’s, Sixth Company of Springfield Township men, in the Second Battalion of the Philadelphia County Militia under Colonel John Moor. It was part of the First Pennsylvania Militia Brigade, under Brigadier General James Potter, in the Pennsylvania Militia Division, commanded by Major General John Armstrong.
The Pennsylvania Militia was “the least trusted organization attached to Washington’s army.“[XLVIII] The commander of that militia, General Armstrong understood why. He thought that many of his men were a “Scandle to the military profession, a nuisance in service, & a dead weight on the publick.” He also believed, however, that it was unfair to judge the competence of his conscripted force with that of the Continental Army and also to judge “the whole with the infamous conduct on only a few.“[XLIX]
By September 11, 1777, General Howe had moved his army to Kennett Square, Pennsylvania. It lay right on the Great Post Road, seemingly heading directly for Philadelphia.[LI] To mount his defense, Washington arrayed his army on the back side of the northwest to southeast flowing Brandywine River. The center of his defense was at Chads’ Ford where the Post Road crossed the river.[LII]
This army included Henry Dewees and his three sons from the line of William Dewees of Germantown. It also included men from the family lines of his brothers, Cornelius (V, 1682-1734) and Lewis (VIII, 1675 -1743). Cornelius had moved west to Berks County and Reading. Lewis had moved to Delaware. Descendants in their lines were brought back to the area of Philadelphia as members of Washington’s army.[LIII]
On his left flank, the southeastern extreme of his line at Pyle’s Ford, Washington had stationed Brigadier John Armstrong’s Division of Pennsylvania Militia. They were a precautionary guard at an unlikely crossing point, and effectively, out of the way where they could do no harm.[LIV] Privates William, Jacob, and Henry Jr. Dewees had arrived there from Wilmington. While they had been positioned there, General Armstrong had “expected the approach of the Enemy & yet continue[d] to look for their movemt….“[LV]
The main body of Washington’s army was arrayed on the hillsides overlooking the river. It extended from Chads’ Ford on the Post Road to Brinton’s Ford guarding the road from that ford to Dilworth on the Goshen (West Chester) to Chester Road.[LVI] This was four divisions backed up by artillery.
In the division of Major General William Alexander, known as “Lord Stirling,” was the Third Pennsylvania Brigade of General Thomas Conway. This included the Third Pennsylvania Regiment under Colonel Thomas Craig, in which Henry Dewees was serving.
In the division of General Anthony Wayne was the Second Pennsylvania Brigade under Colonel Richard Humpton, including the Fourth Pennsylvania Regiment under Lieutenant Colonel William Butler. Down in the ranks in Captain Mears’ Company of that regiment were the Dewees brothers from Berks County: John Dewees (V-5-19) and William Dewees (V-5-20). These young men were already seasoned and battle-hardened soldiers and survivors. Their father, Samuel Dewees (V-5) and their younger brother Samuel (V-5-22), were elsewhere on the battlefield. [LVII]
In General Adam Stephen’s Division was the Fourth Virginia Brigade under Brigadier General Charles Scott. In that Brigade was Colonel John Patton’s Additional Continental Regiment, with Allan McLane’s Delaware Company, including Daniel Deweese (VII-1-13).[LVIII]
Further northwest along the Brandywine from Chads’ Ford, was Jones’ Ford. Posted there was Colonel David Hall’s Delaware Regiment of the Maryland Brigade in General John Sullivan’s Division. In that regiment in Captain Peery’s company were four Deweese men: Samuel (VII-3) and his son Joshua (VII-3-19), as well as cousins Cornelius (VII-2-14) and John (VII-9-21).[LIX]
Washington waited most of the day for an attack on his front from the forces of Hessian General Knyphausen arrayed on the other side of the Brandywine. Meanwhile, he got conflicting reports on the location of the rest of Howe’s army. During that time, General Howe had moved the bulk of his army under Lord Cornwallis north. They crossed the northern-most, unguarded fords of the West Branch and East Branch of the Brandywine to outflank Washington on his right. Finally, learning that, Washington immediately ordered Stirling and Stephen’s divisions to march north.
Stirling had to march his division by an overland route to reach Brinton’s Bridge Road and then, Dilworth, a small community about two miles east of the river at the intersection of Brinton’s Bridge Road and the Goshen to Chester Rd. This was no easy march for Henry or his compatriots. It was gradually uphill, but up and down small hills, across small streams, then up and down again, and again, even when they reached Brinton’s Bridge Road. “At Dilworth, the divisions swung to the left and followed the Birmingham Road over rolling terrain dotted with thick stands of woods and farm fields until they arrived on the high ground” of Birmingham Hill.[LX] Stephen’s division followed along behind and took up positions near Dilworth, to block the Goshen to Chester Road.
Map 4. Area of Henry’s march and formation for battle.[LXI] Along Birmingham Rd. there is a small heritage park in the area where Henry likely fought.
MAP 5. Schematic of British and American Movements on September 11.[LXII]
Washington concluded that Stirling’s and Stephens’s divisions would not be sufficient to check the flanking column. He directed Sullivan to also pull his infantry out of the front facing Knyphausen and move north to support Stirling and Stephen on the left. That was a tough trip for the Delaware boys, as there was no road and the creek banks were steep and rutted.
When they finally arrived, the attack was beginning, they were in disarray, began to fall back, allowing the British to shift forces to attack the center.
The British advance ran right over the hospital at the Birmingham Meetinghouse. The two Samuel Deweeses there had to work in the midst of battle to care for wounded and dying soldiers (see Our Ancestors in Washington’s Battle with Smallpox-revised). Finally, ending up behind the lines, they fled for their lives.[LXIII]
Stirling’s division was in the center without much support from Sullivan on the left. The British charge came right into Conway’s Brigade and at Henry Dewees. They began to fall back.[LXIV]
Brigadier General Marquis de Lafayette joined them. As he was working to rally the troops, he was wounded. Despite this, he declined medical assistance and gave his full effort to inspire Henryand his fellow soldiers.[LXV] After a strong defensive effort, Stirling’s division retreated down the back, southern, slope of Birmingham Hill. Stephen’s division soon moved back on the Goshen-Chester Road.
Meanwhile, the only force left at Chads’ Ford was the Pennsylvanians of Brigadier General Wayne’s division and Brigadier General Maxwell’s light infantry. Upon hearing the sounds of Cornwallis’ attack on Washington’s right flank, General Knyphausen began his attack. Knyphausen had nearly 6,700 British, Hessian, and Loyalist troops to assault a force of about 3,000 Continental Line and about 3,000 Pennsylvania Militia. John and William Dewees of Berks County in Wayne’s division, would be looking for help from their militia cousins, William, Jacob, and Henry Dewees Jr., located farther to their south.
The main attack came at Wayne’s two Pennsylvania brigades. Those of Colonels Hartly and Humpton. In Humpton’s brigade, Captain John Mears, company commander of the Berks County Dewees boys, fell wounded, as did one of their mates. Hartley’s brigade was taking a similar beating. This was heavy close quarters fighting and temporarily stopped the British advance. As British troops began flowing south from Birmingham Hill on his division’s right, General Wayne disengaged his division and formed a new defense line above the Great Post Rd.
If Wayne was hoping for substantial assistance from Armstrong’s militia, he was sorely disappointed. In fact, if Wayne had time to even think about it, it must have appeared to the general as if the militia division had simply vanished. The exact role played by Armstrong’s Pennsylvania militia that late September afternoon and evening remains yet another mystery of the complex Brandywine battle. At some point Armstrong pulled his militia back from Pyles Ford….
A surprising number of militia men, however, remained on the field to do their duty. Most of these men participated in the fighting during the closing stages of the battle….[LXVI]
Let’s hope they were the Dewees boys. One of their compatriots, Jacob Armstrong, described retreating after the British had crossed Brandywine Creek. Then, having moved back eight or nine miles farther by 5 pm, with the British in hot pursuit.[LXVII]
General Wayne and his infantrymen gave a good account of themselves that late afternoon, even though heavily outnumbered and often out of position because of the flanking surprise on the right…. Wayne and his [Berks County Dewees] soldiers managed to protect much of the artillery and wagons in what was a chaotic mess of an engagement.[LXVIII]
The Dewees Family Caught Between Two Generals Looking for a Fight
Washington’s army retreated the fourteen miles to Chester. Most had arrived by midnight. The troops had been gathered and reorganized by the next day, September 12. Then, Washington marched his tired soldiers another nineteen miles from Chester, via Philadelphia, to near the East Falls of the Schuylkill, just south of where Wissahickon Creek enters the Schuylkill. Germantown was to the army’s back.[LXIX] There Washington set his headquarters at Stenton House. Henry was camped just downstream from his paper mill. Perhaps he was able to go there and get some items he could use as he continued to serve.
Washington gave his army a brief rest and made sure that the southern fords across the Schuylkill River to Philadelphia were unavailable to Howe. He wanted to force Howe to move north from Brandywine so that he could take his revenge on Howe by outflanking him. On September 14 and 15, Washington brought his army back over the Schuylkill at Levering’s Ford.[LXX] They then moved via the Philadelphia to Lancaster Road and formed a front, stretching for three miles along the Chester Hills parallel to the road, from Paoli Tavern on the east and White Horse Tavern on the west. [LXXI] He then began sending advance reconnaissance elements south on local roads.
Map 5: Details from 1777 map of the surroundings around Philadelphia during the movements of Washington (dark blue arrows) and Howe (red arrows) form September 12-22, 1777.
Howe had learned of Washington’s movements and was heading to meet and beat him for good. The two generals were looking for a decisive battle to decide the fate of Philadelphia.
On September 16, the British moving north from the Goshen area, encountered those advance elements of Washington’s army moving south.[LXXII] It was starting to rain. Cornwallis to the east, skirmished with some Chester County Militia. To the west Kryphausen’s column skirmished with some elements of Brigadier Potter’s First Pennsylvania Militia Brigade, perhaps involving Henry’s sons.
The onset of a nor’easter brought an eighteen-hour downpour. Visibility was poor, men were soaked, guns wouldn’t fire, ammunition was ruined. That put an end to the “Battle of the Clouds” and the hopes of both generals.
Washington moved toward Reading where his arms and stores were. His baggage train lagged behind with Potter’s Pennsylvania militia brigade and the Dewees boys protecting it. He left General Wayne’s division behind as a rear guard to harass the British rear as they moved toward the Schuylkill. Eventually, Washington took his army via a northerly route back across the Schuylkill, to defend against Howe’s crossing.
Howe moved his army along the Great Valley Road to camp at Tredyffrin.[LXXIII] As they approached, William F. Dewees, Henry’s nephew, was at Valley Forge. He was the co-owner and resident manager of that complex. On September 18, he was working alongside Washington’s aide, Alexander Hamilton, and some dragoons led by Henry “Lighthorse Harry” Lee. They were trying to move the stores before the British arrived. The arrival of an advance party of British dragoons, however, forced them to make a narrow escape. The next day, the British took what the supplies they needed, burned the rest, and destroyed the forge and William F.’s Valley Forge house.
William F. hurried to Tredyffrin to get his family away before the British settled in. He took them to stay in the home of his aunt Christina (Dewees) Antes (III-2, 1702-1782).[LXXIV] She lived with his cousin Colonel Frederick Antes (III-2-11, 1730-1801)[LXXV] across the Schuylkill in Frederick Township.[LXXVI] He found that Washington had shifted his headquarters there. Soon after this chance meeting with Washington, William F. headed to Philadelphia. He intended to locate and determine the fate of his mother Rachel Farmar Dewees (1712-1777) and his father, Sheriff William M., who had been there carrying out his duty when the British moved in. Washington may have asked him to collect information as well.[LXXVII]
Howe moved his army from Tredyffrin, on September 21-22, through Valley Forge to cross the Schuylkill at Fatland Ford.[LXXVIII] As he did so, his rear guard, under General James Grant, caught General Wayne’s force camped. The stealthy, night-time, bayonet charge on 20-21 September, has been called the “Paoli Massacre.” Fortunately, the two Dewees boys from Berks County survived.
Once over the river, the British army settled in Norriton Township, stretching along a creek from Ridge Pike to Germantown Pike.[LXXIX] Then, Howe led about 8000 soldiers down Germantown Pike into Germantown. This force marched across and alongside Henry’s property.
The army was living off the land, so damage to fields, and plundering of Henry’s mills, his crops, livestock and damage to buildings must have been terrible. Rachel and the younger children in the Springfield home must have been terrified.
Cornwallis led his troops down Ridge Pike into Philadelphia on September 26. The stage was set for the Battle of Germantown. Henry and his boys would be there.
Washington’s army was near Schwenksville. He, however, had moved his headquarters to Pennypacker Mills, nearer to Skippack Pike.[LXXXII] Brigadier General John Armstrong and his Pennsylvania Militia were not with the main army. They were somewhat east, around Trappe.[LXXXIII]
Armstrong had problems. At Brandywine, most of his men had left without fighting. Now, the sixty-day service period for many of the militiamen had expired. Many had already left for home.
Armstrong was doing his best to keep the men in the army beyond their terms of enlistment. Private James Patten recalled that Armstrong made a speech to his troops:
…requesting the militia to volunteer a little longer as they now had some experience and as more confidence could be placed in them than raw troops; but where they were going or what particular service he desired them to perform he did not at the time disclose.[LXXXIV]
Privates William, Jacob, and Henry Jr. Dewees stayed. Their ancestral home was occupied by the British. They would be going there soon.
Washington had about 11,000 men. He led them down Skippack Pike and camped them in the Methacton Hills, the high ground about ten miles from Germantown. He established his headquarters in the home of Peter Wentz.[LXXXV] Howe had less than 8000 men at Germantown. Now was Washington’s opportunity to strike and disable Howe’s army.
Germantown was but a single street extending along two miles of Germantown Road. Stone houses, well-separated from each other, lined both sides, close to the road. Behind each one was farmland and orchards enclosed by rail fences. Howe had set up a defensive line in the center of town. On the right flank it extended to the east, from the market square behind and parallel to Mill Street to the York Road. On the left flank, it stretched to the west, from market square behind and parallel to School House Lane to the heights overlooking the juncture of the Wissahickon and the Schuylkill. There were advance outposts one mile forward on Germantown Road in Mount Airy.
Washington planned four approaching forces making a coordinated attack. The evening of October 3, they set off. It was a complicated plan to pull off. Each column would be marching a different distance, unable to communicate with the others, have to take out British pickets quietly, and all be in place to attack by sunrise.
From the Methacton Hills area the columns marched down Skippack Pike to the intersection with Bethlehem Pike.[LXXXVI] At that corner, adjacent to St. Thomas Church Whitemarsh, was the property and country home of Henry’s brother, William M. At least he and his wife Rachel were in Philadelphia, as some soldiers probably took the opportunity to snatch what they needed for breakfast and more.
From there, the columns took separate approaches to Germantown. General Sullivan had overall command of the main force. It continued down Bethlehem Pike to Germantown Pike and directly toward Germantown. That force consisted of two divisions, one commanded by Major General Sullivan, the other by Brigadier General Anthony Wayne.
On the left was Wayne’s Fourth Division with the Second Pennsylvania Brigade under Colonel Richard Humpton. It included the Fourth Pennsylvania Regiment under Lieutenant Colonel William Butler and Captain Mears’ Company with the two Dewees brothers from Berks County: John Dewees and William Dewees.
On the right, under Sullivan, but placed directly in the center of the advance, was Brigadier General Thomas Conway’s Third Pennsylvania Brigade, including the Third Pennsylvania Regiment under Colonel Thomas Craig, in which Henry Dewees was serving. This would be the spearhead of the attack.
To the right of center, Sullivan, himself, had the Third Division of two Maryland brigades. Included with them was the Delaware Regiment commanded by Colonel David Hall. That included Captain Peery’s company with four Deweese men: Samuel and his son Joshua as well as cousins Cornelius and John.
They found Chestnut Hill was “nearly uninhabited.“[LXXXVII]Henry could see why. The buildings and property he owned along Germantown Road had clearly been plundered and damaged as the British moved into town. He must have wondered about his mill, well off the road, down in the creek bottom. Had the workers secured it as they left, had it been found and damaged?
From there, the main force followed Germantown Road downhill, up again to Mt. Airy. At Mt. Airy “…it was about Six o’Clock in the morning [when] a firing began between the head of Conway’s Column & the Enemy’s Pickett.” Involved was the Sixth Pennsylvania with Ensign Charles Mackinett from Germantown, supported by a detachment from Captain Allan McLane’s company, called the Fourth Continental Light Dragoons.[LXXXVIII] Perhaps Daniel Dewees was one of McLane’s fearless horsemen, that Washington so often relied upon for reconnaissance and harassment operations.
The battle had begun.
As they advanced into the forming British resistance, Conway’s brigade was “marching in close column… in front….and drove the British light infantrymen from their positions. The action continued very heavy for some, the enemy retreating until our troops had expended time all their ammunition. A fresh supply arriving in a few minutes, the American line again advanced, and after pressing the British very severely for some time, the brigade halted in order that the line might be more completely formed….“[LXXXIX]
Conway’s push had carried Henry and his compatriots toward the main camp of the British light infantry on Mount Pleasant. They let out a cry “Revenge Wayne’s Affair!” And let out a volley. The British responded, but were soon forced to fall back. The initial drive cost Conway’s brigade numerous injured and killed. So far, so good for Henry.
General Sullivan moved Conway and his force off the road to his right flank. They pushed forward and drove back all resistance.[XC]
About a mile past Mt. Pleasant, they passed the Upper Burial Ground where Henry’s parents were buried. He became even more determined to drive the British from Germantown. Next, they passed Cliveden, the Chew Mansion.[XCI] As Conway’s forces pushed the British back, British Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Musgrave got about 100 of his regiment into Cliveden. They barricaded the doors and lower windows and took positions to fire from the upper windows. This would soon become a problem. Henry knew that it had had two-foot-thick walls, three-and-a-half stories, windows all around, set back from the road. A perfect fortified position on the left flank of the advancing center force.
Map 7: The Battle of Germantown.
Conway was keeping to the right flank. There was about a mile to go to the main British defensive line in Germantown. They pressed forward, two blocks on, Henry could glimpse the ancestral Dewees family home to his left.[XCII] He couldn’t make out what had happened to it.
At this point, control between major units was fraying, as was the relationship between Conway and his brigade.
General Conway reportedly “wept for joy when he saw the ardor with which our troops pushed the enemy from hill to hill, and pronounced our country free from that auspicious sight.“[XCIII] Yet, he was soon found in a farmhouse detached from his unit and agitated, claiming that his horse had been shot in the neck and declining to return to the action. “Whether Conway actually exhibit cowardice during the battle is unknown.“[XCIV]
“What is known is that his brigade…performed admirably and suffered accordingly.“[XCV] Private Christian Pemberton of the Third Pennsylvania, fighting somewhere near Henry, had been wounded.[XCVI]
While that had been happening, on the left flank, General Anthony Wayne’s division had advanced the same distance. The same British light infantrymen, who had attacked them at Paoli were now being overrun in their camps by Wayne’s Paoli survivors. One of his regimental commanders reported that, “the British were being …paid in the same Coin [bayonets] that we received on the bloody Night on which our Division was surpriz’d. I must confess, our people shew’d them No quarter and without distingidhon [sic] thro’s all ye came across, at the same time reminding them of their Inhumanity on that Night.“[XCVII]
The Dewees brothers, John and William from Berks County got revenge for the friends they had lost at Paoli. Nevertheless, their regiment lost several key officers, a sergeant and private to wounds and as prisoners.
At this point, General Sullivan was cautiously optimistic. Wayne was ecstatic. He believed that:
Fortune smiled on our arms for full three hours—the Enemy were broke, dispersed & flying in all Quarters—we were in possession of their whole encampment together with their artillery park, etc., etc.[XCVIII]
It was 7 am. The forces of Sullivan, Conway and Wayne had marched 10 miles. They had overrun the British pickets, camps and were poised to move into the center of Germantown. Exhaustion was setting in and Sullivan’s and Conway’s men in the center and right had no contact with Wayne on the left. They were running low on ammunition. Washington ordered reserves forward to allow Sullivan to reorganize and replenish. He followed along behind.
As the reserves came up, with Washington and his staff nearby, they took musket fire from Cliveden and stopped. An extended staff debate started about what to do. An officer was sent with a white flag to advise the men in Cliveden to surrender. He was shot and mortally wounded. Pennsylvania artillery was brought in to shell and the reserves were held in case.
For almost an hour Washington and his staff were distracted by trying to subdue the small force in Cliveden, when they should have been coordinating and supporting Sullivan, Wayne and Conway’s advance ahead of them. Wayne and Conway troops, hearing cannon and small arms firing to their rear, and not wanting to be cut off, reversed course. All in all, by 8 am some 4000 men, who should have been pushing the British into the center of town, were gathered at Cliveden to subdue 100.
As a professional army, with enemy pressure taken off, it did not take long for the British right and left flanks to reorganize themselves and take the offensive. On the other hand, the Americans, disorganized and confused by what had been going on in their rear, retreated. “Washington’s army had shot its bolt.” [XCIX]
Meanwhile, General Armstrong’s Pennsylvania Militia was on Ridge Pike well to the west. In General James Potter’s brigade were Henry’s sons, Privates William, Jacob, and Henry Jr. They had proceeded down Ridge Pike to take station on the heights above Wissahickon Creek. Their task was to threaten and pin down the Hessians on the British left flank on the other side. Again, as at Brandywine, the militia was placed safely well out of the main action.
As Armstrong approached, his force was detected by a Hessian picket on Ridge Pike, who withdrew back across the creek and gave the warning. Armstrong advanced his force. General Potter and his column, supported by artillery from the heights, moved down the slope and attacked the jaegar picket at the bridge so furiously that it was compelled to fall back a little. A company of jaegars was advanced to its support and the Hessians maintained their defense of the bridge.
The main Hessians force deployed along the steep slope of the Wissahickon ravine. For the remainder of the morning, Armstrong and the Hessians “…cannonaded from the heights on each side of the Wissahickon, whilst the Riflemen on opposite sides [of the creek] acted on the lower ground.“[C] The Hessias held their positions “until the end of the engagement.“[CI]
These efforts did not do much to support the main attack. They were a nuisance on the enemy’s left flank that kept the Hessians from joining the battle in the center, but had not drawn off forces from the center by a strong threat on the left. Armstrong counted his losses as “not quite 20 men on the whole.“[CII] Fortunately, that did not include the Dewees boys.
All the American forces retreated up the same roads by which they arrived. All these retreating forces converged at intersection where Bethlehem Pike meets Skippack Pike, the road back to camp. There, General Wayne set up a rear guard, right at St. Thomas Whitemarsh Church and William M.’s property.[CIII] Washington stopped at Hope Lodge, nearby.[CIV] The British retired into Germantown. That was the last action of the day.
The Pennsylvania Militia retreated along Wissahickon Creek, parallel to Ridge Pike. It was difficult for the Hessians to follow. When the militia reached Germantown Pike, not far from William M.’s other property on Ridge Pike, they met some British coming from Germantown. There was a skirmish. General Armstrong later said, inexplicably,
“Until then, I thought we had a victory, but to my great amazement found out our army had gone about an hour or two before, and we were last on the ground.”[CV]
All of Washington’s army was back where it started from. Both properties of Henry’s brother, William M., had been the scene of a rear-guard action.
The British remained in Germantown for several weeks. Then General Howe moved his troops back to Philadelphia. He needed more forces to overcome Fort Mifflin and Fort Redbank, which was blocking his supply line up the Delaware river to Philadelphia.
Much of Germantown was in ruins. “The once stout fences…had been ripped apart or knocked to the ground. Manicured fields and orchards…lay in ruins. The amber buckwheat and wheat…below Church Lane had been trampled and ruined.” Cliveden and other homes had been damage by cannon fire.[CVI]
Two Generals Wondering What’s Next?
Eventually, Washington had his army refreshed, edged it closer to Philadelphia, and settled in a defensive line in the hills at Whitemarsh.[CVII]
Despite his victory at Germantown, General Howe knew that Washington and his army were not finished. He was wary that they might attack again before winter. To preclude that, after a respite of two months, he decided to take the initiative himself.
This time, Washington had good intelligence of enemy intentions. He had a number of officers reporting on British movements around Philadelphia. Henry’s nephew, William F. Dewees, had been to Philadelphia. On December 4, William F. sent Washington a letter with specific and accurate information on the plans and timing of Howe’s movements.[CVIII]
According to a resident, Howe and his force “…last night and this morning, [Thursday the 4th and Friday the 5th of December] passed through Germantown on their way to surprise General Washington at Whitemarsh. They did much damage as they went—wantonly burning and destroying houses and property in the night time. At ten o’clock, A.M., was heard a heavy firing begun on Chestnut Hill, and lasting for two or three hours.“[CIX] Once again, Henry’s property in Chestnut Hill was in the line of march and line of fire.
Moving northward, Howe made his headquarters in the Maple Lawn Inn.[CX] The troops were camped forward in the area of St. Thomas Church and William M.’s property.
Washington was prepared to fight, but did not engage. General Armstrong, his Pennsylvania militia and, perhaps, the Dewees boys of Germantown, were on Washington’s right flank.[CXI] He reported later that
On Friday last [5 Dec.], none of the Army (except the Horse) moved, but the Militia only intended to annoy them on the march, for this purpose General Potter, with part of his Brigade, [perhaps including Colonel Moore’s Regiment and Captain Mears’ company to which Henry’s sons belonged] by the way of Barren Hill Church [right near William M.’s property on Ridge Pike.] for the Enemies Left…. Some of Potter’s had a short Scirmish [sic.], soon repulsed, but killed one & brought off his Sword.
Howe, soon realized the full extent of Washington’s defensive lines and concluded they were too well dug in to attack. The British returned to Philadelphia to enjoy the winter in comfort.
Valley Forge
Washington realized that he was too close to Philadelphia to winter in Whitemarsh and he was exposed to being flanked. A decision had to be made. On November 30, he held a council of general officers to get their opinions whether and where to quarter the Continental Army for the winter. He asked them to put their views into writing for his consideration. All agreed that the army should go into winter quarters, but many options were proposed.[CXII]
Major General William Alexander, Lord Stirling, suggested “…the Plan of putting the army into Huts in the Township of Tryduffrin in the Great Valley.” Brigadier General John Irvine of the Pennsylvania Militia suggested much the same. He advocated hutting the army on the west side of the Schuylkill River, twenty to thirty miles from Philadelphia. He emphasized that the Tredyffrin-Valley Forge area fit the bill exactly. He also pointed out that “wood is plenty” in the area.[CXIII]
On December 11, the Army left Whitemarsh to cross the Schuylkill in mixed rain and snow.
After crossing, the first units observed some British troops and pulled back. The army crossed the next day at Swedes Ford and turned south to gradually assemble in camp at “The Gulph.“[CXIV]
On December 17, Washington issued what he hoped would be inspiring general orders—praising his troops, complementing them on their successes, telling them that the French were coming to their aid, and describing the reasons for their winter encampment.[CXV] He had decided to move to Valley Forge. Before moving out, on December 18, the army “celebrated” the first national Thanksgiving. [CXVI]
The troops were provided with what—after several days of living off the land while marching, and several days on short rations in camp until the supply wagons arrived—might be considered a thanksgiving “feast.” It wasn’t much.
One doctor wrote: “Universal Thanksgiving—a Roasted pig at Night. God be thanked for my health which I have pretty well recovered.” A lieutenant described what he and his troops had.
“We had neither Bread nor meat ‘till just before night when we had some fresh Beef, without any Bread or flour, The Beef wou’d have Answer’ to have made Minced Pis if it cou’d bee made tender Enough, but it seem’d Mr. Commissary did not intend that we Shou’d keep a Day of rejoicing—but however we Sent out a Scout for some fowls and by Night he Return’d with one Dozn: we distributed five of them among our fellow sufferers three we Roasted two we boil’d and Borrowed a few Potatoes upon these we Supp’d without any Bread or anything Stronger than Water to drink!”[CXVII]
At 10 am next day, December 19, the troops set out to march five or six miles to Valley Forge, the sun shone for the first time in a week.
As the army approached the Valley Forge area, they saw an open, rolling landscape of many small farms, divided by fences and hedgerows. There was a small industrial area along Valley Creek. This was all the property of Henry’s nephew, William F. Dewees, half owner and manager of the Valley Forge complex and lands.
The force arriving at Valley Forge consisted of some 19,000 officers and soldiers.[CXVIII] Contrary to popular myth, the Continental soldiers marching in to Valley Forge, were not discouraged nor in desperate condition. They had just come close to beating the British in battle. They were confidant, but exhausted, and low on food, clothing and other supplies.[CXIX] Many units, however, were unfit for combat service. The Third Pennsylvania Regiment, under Colonel Thomas Craig, in which Henry Dewees was still serving his one-year term, entered Valley Forge with 212 men assigned and only 116 (171) were considered fit for duty.[CXX] The regiments containing the other Dewees men were in a similar state.[CXXI]
The Pennsylvania Militia did not march to Valley Forge. It was left on the north and west side of the Schuylkill to watch for and warn of British advances from that area. The militia’s mission was to protect the inhabitants of Philadelphia and Bucks Counties. Also, to prevent them from providing supplies, other support, or information to the enemy in Philadelphia. The militia utterly failed in that assignment.
It didn’t have a chance. After Whitemarsh, General John Armstrong, who had been elected to congress, turned over his command to Brigadier James Potter. Soon, Potter took a leave of absence and turned over command to newly-promoted Brigadier General John Lacey. When Lacey took over in January 1778, the service periods enlistments of most of the men had expired and they, including the sons of Henry, had gone home. Despite the Supreme Council of Pennsylvania’s commitment to maintain 1000 men in the area, Lacy advised Washington that he had complained of “…my Numbers which is Redused to between Sixty and a hundred….but have not Yet Rec’d any Relief, or answer.“[CXXII]
For the men at Valley Forge, the winter of 1777-78 was not the coldest nor the worst winter experienced during the war, but regular freezing and thawing, plus intermittent snowfall and rain, coupled with shortages of provisions, clothing, and shoes, made living conditions extremely difficult.
The first order of business for the soldiers themselves was to establish their quarters. Washington gave specific directions for their construction. The army was to build huts according to a 14 x 6-foot plan and to place them in parallel lines. Some 1,500-2,000 huts were built, but not with such military precision.[CXXIII] Most soldiers agreed that their log accommodations were “tolerably comfortable.” Yet, the huts were drafty, damp and smoke filled. They were not ideal for staying inside for long.[CXXIV]
Provisions were available during the early months of the encampment. In the month of January 1778, the men received an average daily ration of one-half pound of beef per man. The army had built a bridge across the Schuylkill and set up a farmer’s market on the other side to purchase supplies. Army money was not much good, however, and farmers often succeeded in smuggling their goods past the Pennsylvania Militia, across no-man’s land to Philadelphia.
The most serious food crisis occurred in February, when the men went without meat for several days at a stretch. At that time, what is known as the “Grand Forage Operation” began. General Nathaniel Greene led an ad hoc division of some 1,500-2,000 soldiers of the army, plus elements of the Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, and New Jersey Militias, along with quartermasters and commissary agents. The forage spanned southeastern Pennsylvania, southern New Jersey, northern Delaware, and northeastern Maryland. It lasted nearly six weeks. The mission was to acquire food for the army and to deny the British the ability to forage in the same area.[CXXV]
Shortages of clothing did cause severe hardship for a number of men, but many soldiers had a full uniform. At the worst point in early March, the army listed 2,898 men as unfit for duty due to a lack of clothing. During this time, well-equipped units took the place of their poorly dressed comrades and patrolled, foraged, and defended the camp.
Washington’s success in holding his army together and the French willingness to provide support, attracted experienced officers to the army. Former Prussian officer, Baron von Steuben was assigned the task of training the troops. He taught and drilled the officers and soldiers on new military skills and fighting tactics to operate as a combined force.
That laid the foundation for the army that Washington would command for the rest of the war. It also kept Henry and the other solders active so they stayed moving, relatively warm, fit, and mentally and physically healthy. They had a purpose in life, other than just surviving.
Henry Dewees one-year term of service with the Continental army lasted through the period of the Valley Forge encampment and all those hardships. Yet, he was only 10-12 miles from his Springfield property to which his sons had returned. They knew the conditions of the army. Hopefully, they were able to make life for their father and his cabin-mates easier.[CXXVI]
Henry was also living on his nephew, William F.’s land. Yet, they were living in different worlds. William F.’s former forge residence had become the residence of Washington’s “Baker General.“[CXXVII] Behind the house were the ovens for baking the bread for the officers and staff. The house was also used for courts martial, and was the auditorium for theatrical productions staged by officers in May, 1778.[CXXVIII]Henry knew his nephew lived in Tredyffrin, only miles away. He could have seen his him and wife Sarah visit Washington on occasion. Hopefully, they had some contact that made Henry’s life easier.
Nevertheless, Henry must have occasionally mused about how the war, and the family’s commitment to it, had changed their lives. His brother, the Sheriff, had died in captivity, his nephew was working with Washington, and he was sitting in a hut, cold and damp, with only daily drills to keep him going.
In mid-June, the British began preparing to leave Philadelphia. Washington began moving the army from Valley forge to positions around the city to move in as soon as the General Howe, his staffs, and his loyal supporters sailed away. Then, Howe’s army began the long march through Jersey back to New York with Washington’s revived army on its heels.
The active duty period for the first and second classes of the Pennsylvania Militia in the Continental Army had expired.[CXXIX]Henry and his compatriots returned home and resumed their militia service on the permanent muster roll. Henry ended up in the same company and battalion in which his sons, William, Henry, Jr., and John were serving.[CXXX]
Charles was registered in 1778.[CXXXI] The other boys also continued their militia service.[CXXXII] Apparently, a result Jacob was called to active duty again in 1780 to serve at Trenton.[CXXXIII] William was also called to active duty again.[CXXXIV]
Rest and Obscurity
Henry returned to his home in Springfield and his mills. He certainly had some restoration and repair to carry out. By 1779, Henry had restored his farm to its prewar level.[CXXXV] By 1781, Henry was the third most prosperous farmer in Springfield Township.[CXXXVI] As the war ended, Henry’s farm continued to comprise 120 acres, and accommodate two horses, five cattle, five sheep and involve the help of one “negro.“[CXXXVII]
The older boys set out to support themselves. By 1783, William and Henry Jr., were working as laborers, at ages, 29 and 24 respectively.[CXXXVIII] Jacob, 27, was home from active duty and recently married. He had taken over working one of Henry’s mills.[CXXXIX] John, 22, was also married.[CXL]
In 1788, son Charles (III-5-30, 1761-1828), married Elizabeth Sharp (1766-1855).
In the 1790 census, Henry and Rachel were still living in Springfield, by then part of Montgomery County. Two sons, most likely William and Henry, Jr., were still living at home.[CXLI]
In 1798, Henry was still one of the more prosperous individuals in Springfield, Montgomery County, PA. [CXLII] His sons Charles and John were also doing well.[CXLIII] They were living in adjacent houses on the Springfield property. Charles, Elizabeth, and daughter Rachel (1789-1871) home was a two story, stone house of 11x 19 ft., John had a one floor frame home of 16×20 feet.[CXLIV]
Henry wrote his will in 1800, appointing as executors, his sons Henry Jr. and Charles.
Henry Dewees died and was buried on May 25 1801; in the Upper Burial Ground of Germantown near his father and mother, William and Christina (Mehls) Dewees.
Photo of the grave of Henry Dewees in the Upper Burial Ground (Germantown, PA) taken in 2021 (Findagrave Memorial ID#14828857).
Photo taken in 2021 of a marker placed on wall outside the Upper Burial Ground (Germantown, PA) recognizing the men (including Henry Dewees) that served with Washington’s army shared by David S. Spangler (Findagrave Memorial ID#14828857).
Son, Henry Jr. had been given one-quarter interest in a shad fishery and 500 pounds. As the remaining executor, Charles would have to decide how to disperse that. The oldest son, William, who presumably had lived at home until his late marriage, was given a seven-acre farm on which he was living. Further, Henry, specified that his farm in Springfield, now consisting of 100 acres, be sold to fund his legacies. From that, all the children got money, with Charles receiving the largest sum of 250 pounds.
Rachel Huste Dewees died Aug 2 1805. She is buried alongside her husband in the Upper Burial Grounds.[CXLV]
[I]Henry Dewees is the Fourth Great Grandfather of William H.J. Manthorpe, son of William Manthorpe and Hannah Mary (Dewees descendant) Hoffman.
[III]William had an older sister, Wilhelmina (1663), and two older brothers, Liuwes/Lewis (1675) and Hendrick (1677), plus a younger brother Cornelius (1682). Before the family came to Germantown, Wilhelmina married Claus Rittenhouse, son of William Rittenhouse, America’s first papermaker. Their grandson was David Rittenhouse, the famous Philadelphia scientist and patriot. Lewis eventually settled his family in Delaware. Hendrick died young. Cornelius remained close to William. After his death Cornelius’ family moved to Berks County, Pennsylvania.
[IV] Today the original family home property is 9219-9227 Germantown Avenue. It is occupied by a RiteAid Drugstore, parking lot, and small grassy area.
Today, the Rittenhouse homestead and bake house is designated as “Historic Rittenhouse Town” on the National Register of Historic Places. It is located on Lincoln Drive in Fairmount Park, Philadelphia. The entrance is from Wissahickon Dr. Germantown.
[VII] “Wilhelm de Wees,” Wilson Blog. As Hans Heinrich Mehls is a grandfather along with Gerrit Hendricks de wees in the line of William of Germantown to Henry Dewees, more research is required concerning his origins, arrival in Germantown.
[VIII] The early settlers of Germantown had called this area Crefeld Village after the town from which the they had started their journey to Germantown. “As early as 1711. The name ‘Chestnut Hill’ was applied to this area in recorded land transfers.” “Chestnut Hill Historic District,” National Registry of Historic Places Inventory-Nomination Form. (U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service), 3 unnumbered.
[IX] Today, the 1710 property is the 9600-9700 block of Germantown Ave, where it crosses Wissahickon Creek, across from Chestnut Hill College.
[XI] Birth order is from LaMunyan. Birth/baptism dates are from “Wilhelm de Wees,” Wilson Blog. Thus, note that for Christina E. birth order in La Munyan is second, but birth date from “Wilhelm de Wees,” Wilson Blog is 1702, much earlier than other children. At that time William was 22 and Anna Catherine only 12. Certainly possible, especially if she were “the girl next door” and her parents Hans Heinrich and Catherine and she were living with John Henry Mehls. Perhaps it was the reason for the marriage of William and Anna Christina in 1704.
To avoid confusion between the many members of the Dewees family with the same name, throughout the text the numerals after the names indicate the individual’s place in the full family genealogical listing provided by La Munyan. The Roman numerals after a person’s name indicate the chapter in La Munyan in which their name can be found. For example: “Chapter III: Descendants of William Dewees,” covers the family of William Dewees of Germantown, so he is William Dewees (III, 1680-1745). The Arabic numbers indicate the individual’s place on the generational listing. So, William’s fifth child, is Henry (III-5, 1716-1801). Henry’s sons, are, thus, William (III-5-26, 1752-1826), Jacob (III-5-27, 1755-1829), Henry Jr. (III-5-28, 1757-1802), John (III-5-29, 1760-1835), and Charles (III-5-30, 1761-1828). The same is done for other branches of the family mentioned. Henry’s brother William Mehls Dewees (III-4, 1711-1777) will be William M., and his son William Farmar Dewees (III-4-20, 1739-?) will be William F. In life they both called themselves “William Jr.” Others mentioned are Henry’s cousin, Cornelius Dewees (V), his son William (V-3) and his son William (V-3-10).
Other non-family individuals who feature in the narrative are identified by their dates.
[XII] I have included in the text, only children who play a role in the story. Other children were Eva Catherina (?), Margaret (~1707), Mary (?) Cornelius (III-6, 1719-1834) and Phillip, (III-8,1724-1778), “Wilhelm de Wees,” Wilson Blog.
[XIV]His name was John Henry Antes. Antes men went by their middle names. His two sons, John Henry Antes (III-14, 1736-1820) and Phillip Frederick (1730-1801) went by “Henry” and “Frederick” respectively.
[XV] Their home was in Upper Frederick Township, Montgomery County. Today it is an Historic Landmark and Museum located at 318 Colonial Road between Pottstown and Perkiomenville, PA.
[XVII] “On April 9, 1732, Cornelius Dewees sold the 143 acre tract to his brother William Dewees…William Dewees and his wife Christina sold the 143 acre tract to their son Henry Dewees on June 26 1738.” Family of “Cornelius de Wees,” Wilson Blog, en 25.
[XVIII] This was a narrow strip of land part of original Penn family land that became Springfield Township. It separated Farmar family land, which became Whitemarsh Township, from William Dewees land at the edge of Germantown. William may have acquired it when his son, William M. (III-4,1711-1777), married Rachel Farmar (1712-1777), the daughter of Edward Farmar (1672-1745) in 1735. With the marriage and this sale the family lands of the two Dewees brothers were contiguous.
[XXI] La Munyan, 18 states that Henry owned the mill as shown on a map of 1746. I have not found that map. Maps of 1777, however, show Henry Dewees, 1747, as owner, “Landowners in October 1777,” Mapping West Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Archives, https://maps.archives.upenn.edu/WestPhila1777/map/php.
Strangely, there is a deed showing that on December 29, 1746, Garrett bought 91 acres in Germantown fronting on Wissahickon Creek from a Peter Knowles. A year later, on December 10, 1747, Garrett sold the same 91 acres to Henry Dewees of Springfield. Record of Deeds, Heber G. Gearhart Notebook 16:162-163 and Heber G. Gearhart Notebook 16:166 respectively. Heber G. Gearhart Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. I have found no other evidence that Henry ever owned the 93 acres that Garrett inherited. Maps for 1777, show him owning only acquiring the half acre surrounding the mill in 1747, then buying back some of the 93 acres in 1767-8. Henry Dewees, “Landowners in October 1777,” Mapping West Philadelphia.
[XXII] Most likely a paper mill and grist mill, both of which he, likely, had some experience working in when his father and Henry Antes built and operated them on the 1710 property.
[XXIII]That is the commonly accepted spelling, others say Rachel Hufte. That is because in pre-1800 script that seeming “f” is a medial or long lower case “s.” See “Long s” on Wikipedia.
The only substantial evidence to indicate that William and Rachel were married is the Will of Ann “Huffty” dated 1762. Among the beneficiaries of Ann Huffy’s will were “Rachel Dewees,” and “Grandchild Mary daughter of Henry Dewees.” Mary (III-5-33) is a daughter of Henry and Rachel. (La Munyan, 28). Also given was, “executor Henry Dewees.” Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, U.S. Will Index, page M299. https://www.ancestry.com/discoveryui-content/view/29141:4695?ssrc=pt&tid=10631919&pid=272208104106.
[XXIV] “Rachel Haste” [sic] married William Dewees (V-3, ?), on November 3, 1743. Recorded in Pennsylvania Marriages 1709-1940, “Rachel Haste records GM9F-KVB” Family Search Collection, 329 and 333. https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3QS7-L9PC-2878?cc=1589502. Confirmed by Abington Church Records, and shown in La Munyan, 133. (In this case, the transcriber got the “s” right but couldn’t tell the original script “a” from “u”.)
[XXV] The records of Henry Dewees and a William Dewees taking out marriage licenses coincidentally in Nov. 1743, has confused some. They, incorrectly, assume that the “William” marrying a “Rachel” is Henry’s brother, William M. He had married Rachel Farmer in about 1735.
[XXVI] I have not found what happened to William (V-3, ?), there is no death date or biographical data in La Munyan, 133. I have not pursued it further. Most likely he died. Rachel didn’t have to choose after all. Henry was waiting.
[XXVII] Birth order is from La Munyan. Dates are from additional research.
[XXVIII] Rachel had three children by her first husband, William (V-3, ?), i.e., William (V-3-10, ?), Rachel (V-3-11, ?), David L. (V-3-12,?) La Munyan, 133. William (V-3-10, ?) survived and married. La Munyan, 135. There is no further information on Rachel or David L. La Munyan, 135.
At her marriage to Henry in about, 1750 these children would have been young, the first William (V-3-10,?) would have been no more than seven. They became stepchildren of Henry. If she brought these children to the marriage there were, ultimately, 12 children in the family home. It is also noteworthy that the first child of Henry and Rachel was named “William” (III-5-26, 1752-1826), presumably after Henry’s father, rather than Rachel’s first husband, but nonetheless, making two children in the family home named, “William“, if she brought her stepson with her. These stepchildren were also second cousins to Henry and Rachel’s children.
That stepson, William (V-3-10, ?), married an Elizabeth Hoffman, La Munyan, 135. They had two children William (V-3-10-32) and Sarah (V-3-10-33), La Munyan, 135. Unfortunately, there is no further information on them or their descendants.
Several generations later, Henry’s son Charles’ (III-5-30, 1761-1828), daughter Rachel (Dewees) Duffield (III-5-30-82), La Munyan, 41, had a daughter Elizabeth (Dewees, Duffield) (III-3-5-82-194) who married John Hoffman, La Munyan, 47. There is no further information on the children of John and Elizabeth (Dewees, Duffield) Hoffman in La Munyan, 63. However, Kimberly Manthorpe Hoefer has located their two sons, John Hoffman Jr. (1838-1864, who died at Gettysburg in the Civil War) and William Henry Hoffman (1841-1883), who married Mary Ann Young (1850-?). They had a daughter, Hannah Mary Hoffman (1874-1962), the mother of William H. J. Manthorpe (1903-1997).
Thus, there are two Hoffman/Dewees back to Gerrit Hendricks deWees of Holland, New Amsterdam and Germantown. One back via Henry of Springfield and William of Germantown. The other was via William (V-3-10), the stepson of Henryof Springfield and second cousin of his children, via his father William (V-3), Henry’s cousin, via Cornelius of Sprogel’s Run (1682-1734) to Gerit Hendricks. Whether the two Hoffman lines are linked at some point, and thus the Hoffman-Manthorpe line is linked to Gerrit Hendricks Dewees through the two brothers, William and Cornelius of Germantown, by means other than marriage, remains to be researched.
[XXIX]Henry Dewees, “Landowners,” Mapping West Philadelphia,
William M. owned no property in Chestnut Hill. His Whitemarsh property was farther out. Henry owned the half-acre around the second mill and, in 1767 and 1768, had bought other property in Chestnut Hill. One piece abutted Germantown Road and had may have had a home or a tavern on it.
[XXXI] William Henry Egle, ed., Proprietary, Supply, and State Tax Lists: 1769, 1774, 1779 (Harrisburg, PA: State Printer of Pennsylvania, 1897). Pennsylvania Archives, Third Series, 14: 86 and 444 respectively. His property was 125 acres overall. The taxation was on the farm, the mills were separate and were probably taxed separately.
Despite a getting the generations wrong, this article provides the full story. For genealogy see La Munyan, 88.
[XXXIII] The story has been told many times. See, Philip Alan Farmer, Edward Farmar and the Sons of Whitemarsh (Shawnee, OK: Tiki Publishing, 2018). A shorter, equally colorful version is in “We Declare Independence,” American Heritage, 36, no.1 (December 1984).
[XXXIV] As a Quaker colony with a Quaker dominated state government, Pennsylvania did not have a colonial militia. In the 1740s, there were numerous pirate and privateer raids ashore and invasion scares. Britain, Spain, and France were involved in colonial trade and territorial expansion leading up to the Seven Years War (French and Indian War in America). Benjamin Franklin published a pamphlet on the situation, “Plain Truth,” and on November 21, 1747, submitted a plan for a volunteer association for defense. It was approved, first, at a meeting of tradesmen and mechanics, then by “the principal Gentlemen, Merchants and others” of the city. The Association was signed by more than 500 citizens on November 24. Within a few days the number of signatures exceeded 1000.Scharf and Westcott, I: 211-216, 239, 241. After that scare, the Association was inactive until 1755. After British General Braddock’s defeat at Pittsburg in the French and Indian War, it became briefly active again.
After Lexington and Concord, at a huge mass meeting in Philadelphia, the Associators formed themselves into formal militia, elected prominent citizens as colonels, petitioned the assembly for funds for arms, and began drilling. They also became a powerful radical political lobby. By June, three battalions and a number of specialized companies were formed totally 2000 men. They paraded for congress and for General Washington as he headed to Boston. Scharf and Westcott, I:295-296.
On June 30, 1775, the Provincial Assembly gave official recognition to the Association and grouped the companies into battalions. Organization was territorial, so that normally a company consisted of men from a single township, while a battalion included all the associators of several neighboring townships. Ages ranged from sixteen to sixty years. During the campaign of 1776, thousands of Pennsylvania associators saw active service in with the Continental Army. Washington praised them, especially for their performance at Princeton, holding the Assunpink Creek.
For a full history, see William P. Clarke, “Chapters IV, V, VII and VIII,” Official History of the Militia and National Guard of the State of Pennsylvania, Vol. 1 (Charles J. Hendler, 1909). Library of Congress,
[XXXVIII] Scharf and Westcott, I:340. Also, La Munyan, 107.
[XXXIX] These men kept the “Permanent Muster Rolls” of the militia. Those are the company and class that appear on the individual’s gravestone. They do not, however, indicate the unit in which the individual served, if called up for service in the Continental Army. (See below.)
[XL] Given all the “Williams” in the family, I have not been able to identify his service from among the others.
[XLII] The Continental Congress assigned each state a quota of units to supply to the Continental Army. The state allocated among the towns. States used militia drafts to sustain the troop level of their contribution, and substitution was permitted. When annual recruiting began in 1777, the term of service was no more than one year, ending in December each year. There was no standard, each state set their own rules, but generally one year. Timothy J. Perri, “The Evolution of Military Conscription in the United States,” Independent Review 17, no 3 (Winter 2013). http://www.appstate.edu/~perritj/IndeRev.
[XLIV] “When a class was called up, all members of that class were called up to serve…. New rolls were taken by officers; these are known as Active Duty rolls. The Continental Army Battalion Adjutant and Company officers kept these Active Duty Muster Rolls. Many of these Active Duty rolls for 1777 do not survive.” Verenna, “Explaining Pennsylvania’s Militia.” I have found none listing Henry. I have based my association of Henry with a unit, based on the following.
“By the ordinance of the Militia Law, the Class number [Henry 2nd class] became the Active Duty Battalion number [so, Henry Second Battalion]. Additionally, when a class was called up, the men were assigned a different company number on the Active Duty rolls—the company number they were given corresponded to the battalion they were from on the Permanent Billet…. So someone belonging on the 2nd Class, [Henry] 7th Company [Henry?] in the 6th [Henry 7th] Battalion district on the Permanent Billet, would have a new active duty muster roll arrangement of the 6th Company (because he belonged to the 6th Battalion [Henry 7th Battalion so 7th Company] of the 2nd Battalion (because all men of the 2nd Class [Henry]were called up, they were folded into the 2nd [Henry] Class Battalion, or just the 2nd Battalion).” Verenna.
[XLVI] When a Pennsylvania Militia Battalion first entered service with the Continental Army, the men had not undergone much training. There were only ten training days in a year and only two of them were for unit training. The new battalion had not previously been formed or trained as a unit. The staff battalion officers had not all worked together and the company officers knew only some of the men they commanded. The men of their companies, while comprised of men from the same local area, had not all been previously assigned to the same company, had different levels of training, and often did not know each other. Verrena.
[XLVII] The volunteer substitutes were usually prior associators, or men with a desire and motivation for military service. At a time, some 40 percent of a battalion could be these willing fighters. They could bring cohesiveness to the organization, develop the competence of some and stiffen the backbone of others. They assured that Pennsylvania Battalions were not as bad as they might have been. Verrena.
[XLVIII] Michael C. Harris, Brandywine: A Military History of the Battle that Lost Philadelphia but Saved America, September 11, 1777 (California, Savas Beatie, 2014),178.
[L] The order of battle and description of the battle is based on my reading of Harris. Also consulted, was Edward S. Gifford, Jr. The American Revolution in the Delaware Valley, (Pennsylvania Society of the Sons of the Revolution. 1976). However, what follows is not a complete or detailed history of the Battle of Brandywine. It includes only enough information to mention all the Dewees men known to be there and to indicate the actions in which Henry and his sons were engaged.
[LI] Today, to follow the British march from Kennett Square to Chadds Ford (as on Google map) via the Great Post Road, leave Kennett Square by W. Cypress St. (one way), which was then the route of the Great Post Road. (Today on Baltimore Pike US 1 there is a Kennet Square By Pass.) W. Cypress St, soon merges with Baltimore Pike, US 1, which from there was then route of The Great Post Road.
“Another early name in the Township’s histories Chadsey (later shortened to Chads). The family’s name became associated with the ford on the Brandywine and has been a place name since the 1700s.” “It was not a coincidence that there was battle action near Chads’ Ford, for it was at the fording places….” Harris, Brandywine, 202 and others use “Chads’s.” Other sources use other variations. Today the township is “Chadds Ford Township.”
[LIII] There may have been others as well. Not all Dewees men who served are in the “Alphabetical list of Revolutionary Soldiers of Associated Battalions and Militia 1775-1783,” Pennsylvania in the War of the Revolution, William H. Egle, ed., Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series (Harrisburg, PA: 1887), 1:55. Only “Dewees, John; Dewees, Henry; Dewees, Jacob; Dewees, James; Dewees, Samuel; Dewees, William.” Those from Pennsylvania and those from other states, Dewees, William; Dewees, John; Dewees, Paul; Dewees, Daniel; Dewees, Lewis; Dewees, Joshua; and Dewees, Cornelius are listed in the “Compiled Revolutionary War Military Service Records” on Ancestry.com and other sites. Through them, I have been able to find their brothers who joined and served alongside them.
[LIV] Harris. Brandywine, 209. “The left flank of Washington’s army appeared secure at first glance, albeit manned by the men in whom he had the least faith. Washington tasked Maj. Gen. John Armstrong’s Pennsylvania Militia Division with guarding Gibson’s and Pyle’s fords about one mile south of the Great Post Road on Rocky Hill, a rugged cliff he deemed them easily capable of defending. Washington placed Armstrong’s men here, far to the south, because he didn’t trust them. He also was confident that they would not be directly tested because it was unlikely Howe would attempt to cross there. The Brandywine widened in front of Armstrong’s position, the terrain was precipitous, and there was no direct route leading eastward to the fords in front of the militia. For all intents and purposes, Washington quarantined his militia force on the left flank of his army.” Citing Samuel Hazard, ed., Pennsylvania Archives: Selected and Arranged from Original Documents in the Office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth, Series 1 (Philadelphia, 1853), 5:539.
[LVI] Today, the road from the ford to Dilworth is Brinton’s Bridge Road, Then, the Goshen to Chester Road around Dilworth was today’s Oatland Road. See map 4 below.
[LVII] In the Spring of 1776, Samuel Dewees, (V-5) had joined the forming Third Pennsylvania Battalion as a recruiting sergeant under Colonel Shee and enlisted his two oldest sons; John Dewees (V-5-19), William Dewees (V-5-20) He sent his other children, including young Samuel (V-5-22), into indentured service with local Quaker families. He, his wife Elizabeth, and sons went with the battalion to join the Continental Army at New York. The battalion was, initially, part of a mobile reserve attached to Brigadier General Thomas Mifflin’s Brigade and did not fight in the Battle of Brooklyn on August 27. As reserves, they moved forward on August 28 to cover the retreat of the army to Manhattan. They were then sent to work building Fort Washington. They were called forward to fight at the battles of Harlem Heights and White Plains. They returned to Fort Washington to continue construction and be on the right flank of the fort’s defensive positions. By this time, Colonel Shee had left and Colonel Lambert Cadwalader of Philadelphia had replaced him. The British attack on the fort on November 16, drove the continental forces from Fort Washington and captured 2800 men. Samuel was among the captured. Fortunately, John, William and wife Elizabeth escaped.
Samuel was transferred to the prison ship Witby in Brooklyn Bay. Elizabeth, a brave woman, tracked down her husband and got permission to stay with him in the horrible conditions aboard the prison ship. She kept him alive while hundreds of others were dying of starvation and disease. She soon became sick herself and managed to talk the prison authorities into releasing them both. They started for home, but Elizabeth became worse and died in Philadelphia. John Smith Hanna, A History of the Life and Services of Captain Samuel Dewees (Baltimore, MD: Robert Neilson, 1844), 77-84. Google Books, http://books.google.com. Also, see “Family of Samuel Dewees (1715-1777)” Wilson Blog.
Later, John and William were with Lieutenant Colonel Lambert Cadwalader’s Third Pennsylvania Regiment as the army retreated south across New Jersey and into Pennsylvania. They endured a hard winter encampment at Morristown, New Jersey, during which time the battalion was designated the Fourth Pennsylvania Regiment. They reenlisted in April 1777 with Captain Mear’s company.
After his wife died, Samuel took his young son Samuel (V-5-22) from indentured service and, as he was on parole having been released from prison, he continued to serve the army in hospital service. These two Samuels were in a hospital which had been established at the Birmingham meeting House, on the far, right flank of the army, seemingly out of danger.
“Family of Samuel Dewees (1715-1777)”Wilson Blog also shows a “Paul Devise” as member of the Third Pennsylvania Regiment and suggests that this is Paul Dewees, son of Garrett (V-2), and, thus, cousin of Samuel (V-5-22). La Munyan lists no Paul as son of Garrett (V-2). La Munyan lists a Paul (V-5-23) as younger brother of Samuel (V-5-22) and, thus, too young to serve at the time. I found a “Paul Dewees” served in 1784 in a Virginia Regiment. By that time Paul (V-5-23) would have been old enough to serve.
[LVIII] Daniel was continuing the family commitment to the cause. His older brother John (VII-1-6) had served with Colonel John Haslet’s First Delaware Regiment from its formation in 1776 throughout the entire New York campaign. At the Battle of Brooklyn, they along with the Maryland Regiment, covered the retreat and the evacuation to Manhattan. He served during the march south through New Jersey and at the battles of Trenton and Princeton. John left at the end of his one year of arduous service and joined the Delaware Militia in January 1777. Daniel joined the regiment to replace him.
[LIX] Men of these names are all documented in Captain Dallingers and, then, Captain Peery’s company of Haslet’s Delaware Regiment. These are the most likely of the numerous men with those names.
[LXI] Today to follow Henry’s march, from Baltimore Pike take Webb Road. It generally follows Henry’s overland march. It ends at Oatland Road, just south of Brinton’s Bridge Road, and the intersection with Birmingham Road. Along Birmingham Rd. there is a small reserve in the area where Henry likely fought, just east of the meetinghouse, which was the initial center of the battle.
[LXIII] Young Samuel Dewees later recounted how the battle raged around the meeting house and cannon fire shattered the windows. “Those of us at the hospital carried the wounded into the meeting house as fast as we could and laid them to the hands of the surgeons who dressed their wounds as fast as possible and sent them off in wagons to Philadelphia. Oh! What a scene…. My father and his soldiers…remained at the Brandywine [sic] meetinghouse for the purpose of burying the dead; this they continued to do, until a body of British light horse were beheld coming up a full gallop; my father ordered his men to fly instantly into the woods, telling them at the same time to halt there, until he could join them; he then bade me to run fast for the woods and take care of myself, whilst he was the last to leave. I heeled it like a major and was not the last of the party in gaining the woods.” Hanna, 93-94. Google Books, http://books.google.com. The account of the battle begins on 110.
[LXIV] A sign at the heritage park gives an account by a British officer of the opening of the battle, with carronades by both sides, and the advance of a strong British force causing the “rebels” to fall back.
[LXV] Today there is a marker to Lafayette, on the Birmingham Road, between the heritage park and the meetinghouse.
[LXVII] “Pension of Jacob Armstrong,” Revolutionary War Pensions, National Archives, NARA M804, Record Group 15, pension number S.22090, roll 0075. Cited in “British ‘Masters of the Field’: The Disaster at Brandywine,” Finding the Maryland 400, Maryland State Archives, https://msamaryland400.com/author/msarevhistory.
[LXIX] The army marched from Chester, through Darby, crossing the Schuylkill by the Middle Ferry Bridge. Today that would be via US 13 crossing Market Street Bridge. Then it turned north to follow the river. Today this route would have taken the army along between the river trail and today’s N. 23rd Street crossing past the Franklin Institute on the Parkway. This is the area in which the Dewees descendant Manthorpe-Hoffman family lived from1869 until 1910 and where William H.J. Manthorpe, descendant of Henry was born. Then the army would have marched behind where the Art Museum is today and moved along the route of today’s Kelly Drive, to the top end of East Fairmount Park. That was where the East Falls of the Schuylkill were. Today they no longer exist because of the Fairmount Dam and Water Works built in the 1820s. US 1 crosses over Kelly Drive there now.
[LXXI] Today’s Lancaster Pike, US 30, was not laid out until 1790. The Philadelphia-Lancaster Road followed what is today Lancaster Pike until just past Paoli. Beyond there, it followed what is today W. Swedesford Road to the intersection with the Conestoga Road, PA 401. After some road realignment, today the White Horse Tavern sits back from the modern intersection of W. Swedesford Road and Planebrook Road in Frazier, PA.
[LXXII] They were on today’s route PA 352 and Boot Road. McGuire, 45. Today, the two roads are connected by King Road. The skirmishes occurred along that line.
[LXXIII] Today, the route will be along somewhere paralleling, I-476, US 202 and PA 30.
[LXXIV] Christina E. Dewees (III-2, 1702-1782), the daughter of William Dewees and Anna Mehls and sister of Henry, married John Henry Antes (1701-1755) in 1726 and eventually established a home in Upper Frederick Township, Montgomery County. They had a son Phillip Frederick Antes (III-2-11, 1730-1801).
[LXXV] He was colonel of the Sixth Battalion of the Pennsylvania Militia comprised of men from Limerick, Douglas, Marlborough, New Hanover, Upper Hanover and Frederick Townships as shown in the “Muster Rolls and Papers relating to the Associators and Militia of the City and County of Philadelphia” in William H. Egle, ed., Pennsylvania in the War of the Revolution (Harrisburg, PA: 1887), Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series, 13: 7, 590.
[LXXVI] Today that home is an Historic Landmark and Museum located at 318 Colonial Road, Fagleysville, between Pottstown and Perkiomenville, PA.
[LXXVII] The details are in Part Three. Dewees, Father and Son who Gave their All.
[LXXVIII] Today, that ford would be down the slope behind the Valley Forge Memorial Chapel. Egypt Road crosses the river nearby.
[LXXX]Henry Dewees, “Landowners in October 1777,” Mapping West Philadelphia.,
[LXXXI] The order of battle and description of the battle is based on my reading of Michael C. Harris, Germantown: A Military History of the Battle for Philadelphia, October 4,1777 (El Dorado Hills, CA: Savas Beatie, 2020). Also consulted, was Edward S. Gifford, Jr. The American Revolution in the Delaware Valley, (Pennsylvania Society of the Sons of the Revolution. 1976). However, what follows is not a complete or detailed history of the Battle of Germantown. It includes only enough information to mention the Dewees men known to be there and to indicate the actions in which Henry and his sons were engaged.
[LXXXII] Skippack Pike today is PA 73. Pennypacker Mills was the mansion of the Pennypacker family surrounded by 170 acres of farmland on the shore of the Perkiomen Creek in Perkiomen Township. Washington made his headquarters there before moving onto Germantown and, again, after Germantown before moving to Valley Forge. Today it is an historic site at 5 Haldeman Rd. Schwenksville, PA, 19773.
[LXXXIII] In the 1850s, there was a Dewees Tavern in Trappe. Today it is the Dewees Tavern Museum of German-American furniture and a Center for German-American Studies. It is at the corner of PA 133 (E. Third St) and 301 (E. Main St.) Trappe, PA 19426.
[XCII] Somewhere on what today is 9219 – 9227 Germantown Avenue.
[XCIII] Benjamin Rush to John Adams, cited Harris, 277.
[XCIV] After the “Conway Cabal,” in late 1777 and early 1778, which tried to have Washington replaced by Gates, he was accused of cowardice at Germantown by General John Cadwalader of Pennsylvania. They fought a duel and Conway was severely disfigured in the face. Harris, 278, n 21.
[CIII] “…St. Thomas Church, and but a few paces from it eastward are numerous mounds on which the tents of the American army were pitched after the battle of Germantown in the grove between the church and the farmhouse.” Samuel Fitch Hotchkin, Ancient and Modern Germantown, Mount Airy and Chestnut Hill (1889), 528. Google Books, https://books.google.com.
[CIV] Hope Lodge is today a Pennsylvania Historic site at 553 S. Bethlehem Pike, Fort Washington, PA 19034. It is on original Farmar property and the Farmar mill is about a mile away.
[CVII] After retreating all the way to Worchester Township, on October 20, Washington moved the army into Whiteplain township until November 2. “General Orders, 20 October 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-11-02-0569.
From there they moved into Whitemarsh. Washington’s defensive line there was in what is today Fort Washington, Pennsylvania State Park. The defensive line ran from “Militia Hill” on the west to “Camp Hill” on the east. Today, a drive along Militia Hill Road from Stenton Avenue to Bethlehem Pike covers that area. It parallels I-276 from the Plymouth Meeting (I- 476) exit to the Ft. Washington (PA 309) exit.
[CX] “At the junction of Germantown Road and Bethlehem Pike (See Map 8) stood the Maple Leaf Inn. The date of its erection remains a question, and as to its first use the earlier historians have left little room for posterity…. In the time of the Revolution, it served as the temporary quarters of General Howe.” Ernest Howard Yardley, “Old Inns and Taverns of the Great Road,” Germantowne Crier, Germantown Historical Society, Vol. 4, no. 2 (June 1952), 11. https://historicgermantownpa.org/1952/06/old-inns-and-taverns-of-the-great-road-june-1952/
[CXI] Their sixty-day call up was over and those who had been at Brandywine were not at Whitemarsh. Perhaps, the Dewees boys stayed because their home, south of Whitemarsh, was still in enemy territory.
[CXVI] King of Prussia Historical Society, http://www.kophistory.org/thanksgiving-in-the-gulph/. On November 1, after the victory of General Gates over the British forces of General Burgoyne at Saratoga, New York, and evidence that the French would now support the Revolution, Congress had proclaimed a “Solemn Thanksgiving and Praise….to inspire our Commanders both by Land and Sea, and all under them, with that Wisdom and Fortitude which may render them fit Instruments, under the Providence of Almighty GOD, to secure for these United States the greatest of all human blessings, INDEPENDENCE and PEACE….” The full text is in Vance.
The Fourth Pennsylvania Regiment, now under Colonel Lambert Cadwalader with the former commander, Lieutenant Colonel William Butler remaining as his deputy, arrived with 201 men assigned, but just 149 (149) fit for duty. Among those men were the Dewees brothers from Berks County, John (V-5-19) and William (V-5-20). These men continued in service, reenlisting in May 1778. William deserted at Trenton in August 1780. (Based on pay cards). His brother John is recorded as being there at that time.
The Delaware Regiment, including the Dewees men; Samuel (VII-3), Joshua (VII-3-19), Cornelus (VII-2-14) and John (VII-9-21) had 268 fit for duty. They stayed only long enough for Joshua to get frostbite. Then, they moved to the area of Wilmington and Chester as part of the Maryland Division. They returned to Valley Forge in May 1778.
Patton’s Independent Regiment, including McLane’s Company was at Valley Forge with the army. Daniel Deweese, however, was not with them. He had apparently been captured at either Brandywine or Germantown. His military service records show that he was in the company in 1777 and again in 1779. There is no record for service in 1778. There were 400 captured at Brandywine. Harris, Brandywine, 368. More than 400 were taken prisoner at Germantown. “From George Washington to John Hancock, 5 October 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-11-02-0419.
Also arriving at Valley Forge was sixteen-year-old Samuel Dewees (V-5-22), younger brother of those Dewees brothers in the Fourth Regiment. His father had died and now he was an orphan. He was seeking to reunite with the only family he knew, the officers and men of the regiment. He had served with his father and them at their hospital during the Battle of Brandywine. There were still 159 of them fit for duty. He found a friendly sergeant who took him to Colonel Richard Humpton, now commanding the regiment. The Colonel took him as a servant to his mistress, who he kept in a home near the camp. Hanna, 146-147.
[CXXIII] “…archaeological investigations had failed to provide evidence of a single hut matching Washington’s instructions exactly. Instead, archaeologists had found traces of crude shelters that differed from one another considerably in the location of chimneys, the construction of joints, and in wall and roof treatments. The collective evidence led to the conclusion that the urgency with which shelters must have been constructed during the winter of 1777—1778 would have prevented the army from building huts as uniform and neatly lined up.” Lorett Treese, “Chapter Seven (continued),” The Making and Remaking a National Symbol (State College, PA: Pennsylvania state University Press, 1995), unpaged. https://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/vafo/treese/treese7a.htm.
[CXXV] Ricardo A. Herrera, “Foraging and Combat Operations at Valley Forge, February-March 1778,” Army History, 20-11-2, no. 79 (Spring 2011): 6-20.
[CXXVI] It would have been a 10-12-mile trip, following Ridge Pike, which crossed their property, to the intersection with Barren Hill Road, where their uncle William M. owned property. From there, along Barren Hill Road to cross the river at Matson’s Ford (Conshohocken) to The Gulph. From there following their father’s footsteps to Valley Forge. As former soldiers themselves, they likely knew enough about his regiment to locate him.
[CXXVII] Christopher Ludwick (Ludwig) (1720-1801) was born in Germany. By 1754 he had set up as a baker in Philadelphia, specializing in gingerbread for the Philadelphia elite. He had a farm in Germantown. He joined the Continental Army in the summer of 1776. He was appointed Baker-General on May 3, 1777. He is buried in the Lutheran Cemetery in Germantown. “Christopher Ludwig, Baker-General in the Army of the United States during the Revolutionary War,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography Vol. 16, No. 3 (Oct.,1892): 343-348. Also, William Ward Condit, “Christopher Ludwick, The Patriotic Gingerbread Baker,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 81, no. 4 (October 1957): 372-373.
[CXXVIII] In “Letters of William Bradford, Deputy Commissary General of Musters,” there is an account of the production, presumably hilarious, of Addison’s Cato by the officer corps’ thespians. Cited by Wayne K. Bodle and Jacqueline Thibaut, Valley Forge Historical Research Report, Vol. II (Valley Forge, PA: National Park Service Valley Forge National Historical Park, 1982), 26. http://npshistory.com/publications/vafo/vfr-2.pdf.
[CXXIX] In July 1778, the Third Pennsylvania Regiment was consolidated with the Twelfth Pennsylvania Regiment. “Third Pennsylvania Regiment,” Pennsylvania Regiments in the Continental Army. It is likely that, at this time, Henry and the others called to duty in April and May 1777, finally ended their “one year” tour of duty.
[CXXX] Second Class of Captain Heydrich’s Company in Colonel Houlgate’s Battalion. “Muster Rolls” Relating to the Associators and Militia of the County of Philadelphia, in Thomas Lynch Montgomery, ed., Pennsylvania Archives, Sixth Series, 1:674 -675.
[CXXXI] Charles was in the company of Captain Caleb Armitage in the First Battalion of Colonel George Smith. He was in Captain Heydrich’s Company by 1787. Ibid 645.
[CXXXII] Henry, Jr, and John were in the company of Captain Andrew Redheiffer. William was in the Third Class of Capt. Jo. Wentz’ Company and then in the Fifth Class of Captain Wm. Johnson’s Company of the Sixth Pennsylvania Militia Battalion, at least until at least 1779. Ibid., 1: 897, 898, 910. Henry Jr., Charles, and Jonathon remained in Captain Heydrich’s company, at least, 1787.
[CXXXIII] His record card shows “Camp Trentown, Aug 29, 1780.”
[CXXXIV] He is buried in the Upper Burial Ground in Germantown and the marker outside the burial ground shows “William Dewees” alongside Henry as having served in Washington’s Army.
[CXXXV] The level of his Effective Supply Tax for 1779 was the same as his Proprietary Tax for 1774. The Effective Supply Tax was levied from 1779-1783, to support the war effort. William Henry Egle, ed., Proprietary, Supply and State Tax Lists: City and County of Philadelphia, 1769, 1774,1779. (Harrisburg, PA: State Printer, 1897), Pennsylvania Archives, Series Three 14:716.
[CXXXVI] Based on the level of his Effective Supply Tax. William Henry Egle, ed., Supply and State Tax Lists: City and County of Philadelphia, 1781, 1782, and 1783 (Harrisburg , PA: State Printer, 1897), Pennsylvania Archives, Series Three 16:36.
[CXXXVII] “Federal Taxes 1783,” Ibid.,657. Whereas tax records formerly showed “servant,” they now showed “negro.”
[CXXXIX] In 1782, Henry paid Effective Supply taxes on the Springfield property as usual and Jacob paid those taxes on “est of Henry Dewees,” probably meaning he was renting that property. In 1783, they did the same for Federal Taxes. Ibid., 105 and 565 respectively. Jacob’s date of marriage to Mary ? is unknown, (La Munyan, 38) but they had a daughter, Sarah (III-4-27-65) in 1782. Interestingly, she later married a member of the Streeper family who owned much of the original Dewees 1710 family land and home.
[CXL] The date of his marriage to Mary Hentz is not given in La Munyan, 38, but they had a son Henry (III-5-29-73) in 1783. La Munyan, 40.
[CXLI] Apparently, Henry Jr., never married. La Munyan, 40. William had just married in 1788. The date of his marriage to Sarah Bicking is not known, but they had a son, William (III-4-26-60) in 1788. La Munyan, 38, 40.
[CXLII] Based on the level of his taxes paid. Pennsylvania, U.S., U.S. Direct Tax Lists, 1798. Ancestry.com.
[CXLIII] Pennsylvania, U.S., U.S. Direct Tax Lists, 1798. Ancestry.com.
[CXLIV] Pennsylvania, U.S., U.S. Direct Tax List for Charles Dewees, 1798. Ancestry.com.
As this collaborative effort remains “a work in progress“, information found in the Family Pages posted in this project (Wilson Family Tree Album Blog) continue to be periodically updated with corrections and/or new information. Similarly, additional Family Pages are added as time permits. Although subscribers receive an automated notification of each new blog posted (see Snapshots in Time), the structure of the hundreds of branches each Family Page represents resulted in the adoption of a format that does not provide for a similar notification which is why it is important to check back from time to time to see what has been updated. To help, below is a list of recent updates to existing “Family Pages” and new “Family Pages” that have been recently added. Please note that we are always looking to add portraits and photos of the ancestors, their children with their spouses, and at times their grandchildren so please contact us if you have any to share.
Please let us know if you find any corrections. Please note that questions and additional information can be posted by submitting a “Reply” at the end of any specified page. Again, appreciate all the time and assistance that makes this project possible.
As noted in our earlier post (see Was Sarah C. Yantis the mother of Sarah Evelyn Hall?), Joseph W. Hall and his wife Sarah C. Yantis could not have been the parents of Sarah Evelyn Hall who married Thomas Allen Wilson in Laclede County, (Missouri) on October 8, 1867. As this ends that speculation, we are left with the nominal information that we can derive from the 1850 Federal Census along with the limited clues found in the will of Sarah Evelyn Hall’s father. Although this provides minimal information, as we follow the reference points we find a number of puzzle pieces that appear to be connected, suggesting we are tantalizingly close to piecing together this section of the puzzle.
Thomas Allen Wilson and his wife Sarah Evelyn Hall are
the paternal grandparents of William Floyd Wilson
According to the 1850 Federal Census, Joseph Hall and his wife Sarah had moved from Kentucky to Missouri sometime prior to the birth of their son Abraham (February 13, 1835); and had moved back to Kentucky sometime after their daughter Elizabeth was born (June 11, 1836) where the family lived when their daughter Lusetta was born (January 4, 1838); and the family moved to Jackson Township (Jasper County, Missouri) sometime after their daughter Sarah was born (March 16, 1845). In addition, living next to Joseph Hall was the 28 year-old Martin Hall (Joseph Hall’s brother?). Born in Kentucky, Martin Hall was a schoolteacher living with his 28 year-old wife Nancy Hall, his 8 year-old daughter Mary J. Hall, and his 4 year-old daughter Elizabeth Hall. Nancy Hall and both daughters were born in Tennessee.[1]
Cropped from 1895 Plat Map of original surveys of Jasper County, Missouri (Page 20 – 27N & 28N/32W & 33W). Listed in the Harmony School District No. 2 (lower left corner) are two plats for Elam Hall (160 acres & 38 acres) and a plat for R. H. Hall (120 acres).
On January 29, 1841, Jasper County had been organized from the land north of Newton County (Missouri) and south of Bates County along the southwestern border of Missouri with Arkansas and the Indian Territory (Oklahoma). Originally part of Marion Township, Robinson Township commenced “on the western line of said Marion township, at the center of the divide between Center Creek and Spring River…to the eastern line of Sarcoxie township to the northern line of Newton county; thence along the northern line of Newton county to the southeastern corner of Center Creek township…”. The name of Robinson Township was changed to Jackson Township on March 29, 1848.[2]
After the 1850 Federal Census was taken, Joseph Hall and his wife Sarah moved their family about 130 miles east to Laclede County (Missouri) where Joseph Hallappears to have died. On December 20, 1854, the will of Joseph Hall was proven in Laclede County (Missouri) providing the last record of both Joseph Hall and his widow Sarah Hall. In the will “Joseph Hall of Laclede County” named his wife “Sarah Hall” and his children “Elizabeth Mary Hall, Lucety (?) Mayfield, Roxann Jane Hall…Abraham Engart Hall, John Thomas Hall” and “Joseph M. Hall“. In the will, Joseph Hall bequeaths to his wife “a certain note of hand that is due me from Samuel Allen in the County of Miller in the State of Missouri” along with appointing Joseph Hall’s “friend Anderson Everett to be executor” (see below).[3]
Copy of the will of Joseph Hall transcribed and recorded on Laclede County (Missouri) Will Record Volume A (1850-1883), Pages 41-44.
According to the 1850 Federal Census, the 46 year-old Samuel Allen was a farmer living in household #153 in District 13 of Miller County, Missouri. Born in North Carolina, Samuel Allen was living with his 23 year-old wife Elizabeth Allen, his 18 year-old daughter Ann Allen, his 17 year-old daughter Rebecca Miller, his 14 year-old son William Miller, his 12 year-old son Joseph Miller, his 10 year-old daughter Ruth Allen, and his 7 year-old son Daniel Allen. Elizabeth Allen was born in Ohio, and Daniel Allen was born in Missouri, and the other children were born in Kentucky. Living nearby in household #188 appears to have been Samuel Allen’s 43 year-old brother Daniel Allen (born in Kentucky) and his large family.
According to well documented researchers, Samuel Allen was born about 1804 in North Carolina; married Ruth Rebecca Hammer (1809-1844) in Kentucky about 1828; and died in Miller County (Missouri) on May 1, 1878. About 1842, Samuel Allen moved to Miller County (Missouri) and established a farm “one half mile west of where Eldon now stands.” Samuel Allen’s wife Ruth (Hammer) Allen was killed when their house was struck by lightning on August 20, 1844; and Samuel Allen next married Miss Elizabeth Ann Athey and removed to Mt. Pleasant before returning to his farm.[4] While distant autosomal DNA matches are far less reliable, there were a couple of distant matches with Joseph Hall’s great-great-granddaughter suggesting that Samuel Allen’s wife (Rebecca Ruth Hammer) may have been a blood relative with Joseph Hall or his wife Sarah (more research would be needed to verify).[5]
According to the 1840 Federal Census, the 30-39 year-old Samuel Allen was a farmer living in Monroe County (Kentucky) with his 30-39 year-old wife, a 15-19 year-old free white female, a 10-14 year-old free white female, two 5-9 year-old daughters, and two sons under the age of five. Notably, living nearby was the 30-39 year-old Joseph Hall. A farmer, Joseph Hall was living with his 20-29 year-old wife (Sarah), his 5-9 year-old son (Abraham), and his three daughters (Elizabeth, Lusetta & Roxanna) under the age of five. Living close to Joseph Hall were the families of the 50-59 year-old widow Jane Hall (including her 15-19 year-old son Martin Hall?) and the 20-29 year-old John Hall (Joseph Hall’s brother?).[6] Similarly, the 1830 Federal Census for Monroe County identified a 50-59 year-old Joseph Hall as the likely husband of Jane and a candidate to be Joseph Hall’s father.[7] Remarkably, this coincides with autosomal DNA matching on Ancestry.com’s ThruLines® that identifies Joseph Hall (1776-1839) and his wife Jane (1782-1842) as the potential parents of our Joseph Hall. Furthermore, seven of the autosomal DNA matches were through the Martin Hall that was living next to Joseph Hall in Jasper County (Missouri) in 1850; with three of the matches through Martin Hall’s daughter Mary Jane Hall (1841-1934) and one match through his daughter Permelia Hall (1849-1911).[8]
Located on the border with Tennessee, Monroe County (Kentucky) was formed from the southern section of Barren County and the southwestern section of Cumberland County on January 19, 1820. Unfortunately, the records held in the Monroe County Courthouse in Tompkinsville (Kentucky) were destroyed in a fire on April 22, 1863. While some marriage records maintained by Justice of the Peace in Monroe County survived, the only record of a marriage of a Hall was Rebecca Hall’s marriage to John Farabee by Reverend John Key on January 4, 1838.[9]
Although several pieces of the puzzle are still missing, these puzzle pieces aligned to provide a convincing case that Martin Hall (1822-?) was Joseph Hall’s younger brother along with compelling assertion that Joseph Hall’s parents were Joseph Hall (1776-1839) and his wife Jane (née unknown). In addition to our Joseph Hall and his brother Martin Hall (1822-?), the other children of Joseph Hall (1776-1839) and his wife Jane have been reported to have included James M. Hall (1803-1872), William Patterson Hall (1813-?), and Permelia Hall (1818-1908). Although the reported lineages still need to be independently verified, the parents of Joseph Hall (1776-1839) has been reported to have been James H. Hall (1753-1845) and his wife Elizabeth Johnston (1759-1839); and his brothers have been reported to have included William Hall (1780-1849), Robert Johnston Hall (1782-1831), and James Hall Jr (1795-1830).[10]
While missing significantly more puzzle pieces, the indications that the father of Joseph Hall’s wife Sarah was Abraham Engart is most intriguing and certainly warrants serious consideration. According to traditional naming conventions, Joseph Hall’s eldest son Abraham Engart Hall would have been named after the father of Joseph Hall’s wife Sarah (Abraham Engart?).[11] It is rather extraordinary that the only Engard families living in Kentucky in 1820 were both in Monroe County, it is inexplicable that one was named Abraham Engard and he was living within a few households of the families of Joseph Hall (Joseph Hall’s father?), James Hall (Joseph Hall’s grandfather?), and William Hall (see below).
Cropped from the top of image 12 of 14 images for Monroe County (Kentucky) in the 1820 Federal Census with no township. The transcription from the top are: Wright Engard, John Black, Jeremiah Black, Samuel Robertson, Absalom (Abraham?) Engard, Daniel McCard, Sarah Kirkpatrick, William Taylor, Joseph Hall, William Millar, James Hall, William Trill, William Hall, Patsy Trice, & John Cloyd.
A review of the Engart/Engard family revealed that Abraham was a prominent given name within the family with various similar spellings of the surname (including Enyart, Enyeart, Enyert, Enyard, & Inniard). Most notably were Abraham Enyart (1748-1809) and Abraham Enyart (1783-1852). Abraham Enyart (1748-1809) is reported to have been born in Somerset (New Jersey) in 1748; and his parents were reported to have been David Enyeart (1728-1807) and Elizabeth Darling (1729-1778). Abraham Enyart (1748-1809) was reported to have married Rachel Bess Swain in Rowan County (North Carolina) on February 15, 1769; and he died in Madison County (Kentucky) on April 13, 1809 (see below).
“On the day March 9, 1809 I was at Abraham Enyard’s and he the said Enyard was in a low state of health but had his senses. He then tell me he thought he would not live long and he then said that he left his will. Then said he left one good chunk of horse beast to Ibby, and a union filly of his old roan mare to David Enyard’s son, Abraham. And all the rest of his property to be equally divided between his old woman and three girls, Mary, Rachel and Anne. Given under my hand March 11, 1809. Joseph Kennedy. Subscribing witness thereto and ordered to be recorded.”[12]
The estate of Abraham Enyart was reported to have been executed by Rachel and David Enyart, and heirs-of-receipt were Rachel Enyart, Mary Enyart, John King (son-in-law) and Anne.[13]
Abraham Enyart (1783-1852) was reported to have been born in Amherst County (Virginia) on November 25, 1783; and his parents were reported to have been John Enyart II (1739-1828) and Rebecca Wright (ca1754-1810) who were reportedly married in Surry County (North Carolina). Rebecca Wright (ca1754-1810) appears to have been the sister of Elizabeth Wright (1753-1806) who was married to Silas B. Enyart (1749-1797). Abraham Enyart (1783-1852) is reported to have died in Gentry County (Missouri) on August 29, 1852. While distant autosomal DNA matches are far less reliable, the four matches with the reported parents of Abraham Enyart (John Enyard & Rebecca Mary Wright)[14] and the matches with the heirs of Abraham Enyart (David & Rachel Enyart)[15] indicate that more advanced autosomal matching may be beneficial.
Curiously, the autosomal DNA matching on Ancestry.com included a 23 cM across one segment between a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall and a 3rd great-granddaughter of William Alexander Hall (1775-1859) through his daughter Levicy Hall (1820-1903) and her husband Royal Finn (1802-1892). According to their research, William Hall married Sarah Wright in Hardin County (Kentucky) on April 27, 1797; and the 45+ year-old William Hall was living in Monroe County (Kentucky) in the 1820 Federal Census. Likewise, great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall matched 20 cM across one segment with a 3rd great-granddaughter of William Alexander Hall (1775-1859) through his daughter Levicy Hall (1820-1903) and her husband Royal Finn (1802-1892). However, it was unclear if Sarah Wright was related to the Wright sisters reported to have married John Enyart II (1739-1828) or Silas B. Enyart (1749-1797).
The will of William Hall was proven in Scott County (Kentucky) in the June 1859 term.[16]
Interestingly, Silas Enyart (1780-1749) and his wife Rachel are reported to have moved from Kentucky to Howard County (Missouri) sometime around 1827 along with his brother David Enyart (1776-1851). Silas Enyart (1780-1749), Abraham Enyart (1783-1852), and David Enyart (1776-1851) have all been reported to be sons of Abraham Enyart (1748-1809) and Rachel Swaim (1749-?).[17] According to the 1830 Federal Census, the families of the 50-59 year-old Silas Engart, was living in Howard County (Missouri) along with the families of the 20-29 year-old Abraham Engart, 20-29 year-old S. Engart (Silas Engart Jr ?), and 20-29 year-old David Ingard.[18] As previously noted, Joseph Halland his wife Sarah appear to have moved from Kentucky to Missouri prior to the birth of their son Abraham Engart Hall (February 13, 1835); and moved back to Kentucky sometime after their daughter Elizabeth was born (June 11, 1836) where the family lived when their daughter Lusetta was born (January 4, 1838). Without more information, it is not known if this is anything more than a curious coincidence.
While naming conventions suggest Joseph Hall’s daughter Lusetta Mayfield Hall was named after the mother of Joseph Hall’s wife Sarah (see footnote [11]) we have not been as fortunate identifying potential candidates for a Lusetta Mayfield. Federal Census records included a 70-79 year-old John Mayfield was living in Monroe County (Kentucky) with his family in 1830; and a 45+ year-old Gideon Mayfield was living with his family in Monroe County in 1820. Understanding distant autosomal DNA matches are far less reliable, it was interesting to see there were three distant matches to Joseph Hall’s great-great-granddaughter and descendants of Gideon J. Mayfield (1758-1829) and his wife Sarah Jane McDougall (1772-1846)[19] which could prove helpful with additional investigation.
As we step back and look over our newly aligned puzzle pieces, the emerging lineage connects Joseph Hall to his brother (Martin Hall) and his parents (Joseph & Jane Hall) and likely his grandparents (James H. Hall & Elizabeth Johnston). Though incomplete, the indications that Abraham Engart was the father of Joseph Hall’s wife Sarah presents an intriguing possibility that may help us find more missing pieces of this puzzle. While there are only a limited information, it will be interesting to see if any connection with Gideon J. Mayfield (1758-1829) and his wife Sarah Jane McDougall (1772-1846) can be discovered. Overall, it will be fascinating to see how additional pieces of this puzzle fit together as others have an opportunity to review this post and share their thoughts along with anything they may have discovered. As always, please let us know if we have made a mistake, missed or overlooked anything.
God Bless!
[1] According to the 1850 Federal Census, the 6 year-old Sarah E. Hall was living with her parents in living in household #244 in Jackson Township of Jasper County, Missouri. Sarah E. Hall was living with her 44 year-old father Joseph Hall, her 38 year-old motherSarah Hall, her 15 year-old brother Abraham Hall, her 14 year-old sister Elizabeth Hall, her 12 year-old sister Lucetta Hall, her 11 year-old sister Roxanne Hall, and her 8 year-old brother Joseph M. Hall. A farmer, Joseph Hall and his wife were both born in Kentucky; as were their three youngest children (Roxanne Hall, Joseph M. Hall Jr, & Sarah E. Hall). However, the two oldest children (Abraham Hall & Elizabeth Hall) were both born in Missouri.
Living in the preceding household was 28 year-old Martin Hall (Joseph Hall’s brother?). Born in Kentucky, Martin Hall was a schoolteacher living with his 28 year-old wife Nancy Hall, his 8 year-old daughter Mary J. Hall, and his 4 year-old daughter Elizabeth Hall. Nancy Hall and both daughters were born in Tennessee;
Living in nearby Sarcoxie Township of Jasper County (household #212), was the 30 year-old Winston Hall. Born in North Carolina, Winston Hall was a farmer living with his 25 year-old wife Jane Hall, his 8 year-old son Edward Hall, his 5 year-old son Thomas C. Hall, and his one year-old son George W. Hall. His wife Jane Hall was born in North Carolina and the children were all born in Missouri;
On September 1, 1848, Winston Hall of Newton County, Missouri, made a cash purchase of 40 acres in Section 10 in Township 27 of Range 32. According to family researchers, Winston Hall was born in Surry County (North Carolina) on February 8, 1818; married Jane Roberson (1821-1869) in Jasper County (Missouri) on April 7, 1842; and died in Jasper County (Missouri) on December 21, 1863. Winston Hall’s parents were reported to have been Harrison Hall (abt1787-1834) and Rebecca East (1787-1833); and his other siblings were reported to be Elizabeth Hall (1820-1897), Martha Minor Hall (1822-?), John Hall (1826-?), and Joseph Hall (?-?). Harrison Hall’s parents were reported to have been John Hall (abt1764-1826) and Elizabeth Tuttle (1762-1847); and his grandparents were reported to have been Samuel Hall Sr (1723-1792) and Millian Webb (1723-1803).
Living in Jackson Township (household #172) of neighboring Newton County (Missouri), was the 57 year-old John D. Hall. Born in North Carolina, John D., Hall was a farmer living with his 44 year-old wife Martha Hall, his 24 year-old son George Hall, his 21 year-old son Jefferson Hall, his 14 year-old son Bazwell Hall, his 11 year-old daughter Mary Hall, his 8 year-old son John Hall, his 6 year-old son Thomas Hall, his two year-old son Monroe Hall, and his one month-old son Wilson Hall. His wife Martha Hall was born in Kentucky, as were Jefferson Hall, Bazwell Hall, Mary Hall, and John Hall; a wagon maker, George Hall was born in Alabama; Thomas Hall was born in Arkansas; and Monroe Hall and Wilson Hall were both born in Missouri.
Transcription: “Joseph Hall of the county of Laclede in the State of Missouri being in a very infirm state of health and sensible too of a liability to sudden death at the same time being according to my own apprehension of sound mind and being anxious to make a suitable disposition of my real and personal estate do make and ordain this my last will and testament. It is my will that all my just debts and the charges for my funeral be paid and discharged by my executor herein after named and appointed out of my estate as soon as conveniently may be after my death and I leave the charges of my funeral to the direction of my said executors.
I give, demise, and dispose of my estate real and personal save what should be necessary for the payment of my just debts and funeral charges in the following manner. I give to my wife Sarah Hall, and to heirs, and assigns two geldings one sorrel horse with a bald face the other a dark bay and one wagon and four pair of horse (gears?), one milk cow and calf and one (yearling?) steer and what stock hogs that I now own and all my farming tools and all of my house hold and citchen (sic) furniture composed of three beds and furniture and all the goods in the house composed of table furniture or citchen (sic) furniture all of the aforesaid mentioned property I give and bequeath to my beloved wife during her natural life or widowhood where at her decease or marriage again all of the house hold and citchen (sic) furniture is to be equally divided between my four daughters, namely Elizabeth Mary Hall, Lucety (?) Mayfield, Roxann Jane Hall, SarahEveline Hall. I give and bequeath my saddle bridle (?) oils and saddle bags to my oldest son Abraham Engart Hall at my decease. I give and bequeath the property out to the house and on the farm at the death of my said wife, or after marrying, to my three sons namely Abraham E Hall, and John Thomas Hall to be equally divided between my three sons, share and share alike.
I give and bequeath to my wife a certain note of hand that is due me from Samuel Allen in the County of Miller in the State of Missouri with all the debts that owing to me in this section of the country after paying off all the debts and expenses of collecting to my said wife all of the balance of my debts that is due, I give and bequeath to my two oldest sons, Abraham E. Hall and Joseph M Hall to be equally divided between them share and share alike, after defraying all expenses in collecting of the same. And I hereby nominate and appoint my friend Anderson Everett to be executor of this my last will and testament and so as that he should be sole executor of this my said will and I give all the power and discretion I give him all the power and repose all the confidence and trust and it is my will that executor should be answerable only for such part of my estate as shall come to his hands as executor. In witness where of I hereto set my hand and seal and publish and declare this to be my last will and testament this September Sixth A.D. 1854″.
[5] The autosomal DNA matching on Ancestry.com included a 17 cM across one segment between a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall and a 4th great-granddaughter of Samuel Virgil Allen (1804-1887) and his wife Rebecca Ruth Hammer (1812-1844) through his son Daniel Homer Allen (1843-?) and his wife Sarah E. Ladd (1848-?).
The autosomal DNA matching on Ancestry.com included a 14 cM across one segment between a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall and a 2nd great-grandson of Mary Ann C. Hammer (1825-1916) and her husband Samuel Ramp (1825-1898). Mary Ann C. Hammer was reported to have been born in Tompkinsville (Monroe County, Kentucky) on May 12, 1825; and her parents were reported to be George Washington Hammer (1807-1841) and Susanna Curry Harlan (1803-1883);
The autosomal DNA matching on Ancestry.com included a 9 cM across one segment between a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall and a 5th great-grandson of Mary Elizabeth Hammer (1795-1888) and her husband William Hogan Nelson (1796-1865). Mary Elizabeth Hammer (1795-1888) was reported to have been born in Monroe County (Kentucky); and her parents were reported to have been Baltis Bathass Hammer (1740-1814) and Elizabeth Medough (1742-1800).
The husband of Jane Hall (1782-1842), Joseph Hall has been reported to have been born on April 30, 1776; his parents were reported to be James Hall Sr (1752-1835) and Elizabeth Johnston (1759-1839); and to have died on February 17, 1839. Their children have been reported to have been Elizabeth Hall (1801-?), James Hall (1803-1872), Joseph Hall Jr (1806-?). Polly Hall (1809-?), John Hall (1811-?), William Patterson Hall (1813-?), Sarazad Hall (1816-?), and Permelia Hall (1818-1908). Without any documentation, William Patterson Hall (1813-?) has been reported to have married Elizabeth Hammer.
[6] According to the 1840 Federal Census, the 30-39 year-old Samuel Allen was living in Monroe County, Kentucky. Samuel Allen was a farmer living with his 30-39 year-old wife, a 15-19 year-old free white female, a 10-14 year-old free white female, two 5-9 year-old daughters, and two sons under the age of five.
Living close to Samuel Allen was the 40-49 year-old S. Mayfield by himself;
Living nearby was the 20-29 year-old John Hall (Joseph Hall’s brother?). A farmer, John Hall was living with his 20-29 year-old wife, a 10-14 year-old free white female, his 5-9 year-old son, and his son under the age of five;
Living in the next household was the 50-59 year-old female Jane Hall (Joseph Hall’s mother?). A farmer, Jane Hall was living with her 30-39 year-old daughter, her 15-19 year-old son (Joseph Hall’s brother Martin Hall?), and her 10-14 year-old son/grandson. Jane Hall owned one slave;
Living close by was the 30-39 year-old Joseph Hall. A farmer, Joseph Hall was living with his 20-29 year-old wife (Sarah), his 5-9 year-old son (Abraham), and his three daughters (Elizabeth, Lusetta & Roxanna) under the age of five;
Living next to Joseph Hall was 60-69 year-old John Martin. A farmer, John Martin was living with his 50-59 year-old wife, a 20-29 year-old free white male, two 20-29 year-old free white females, two 15-19 year-old free white females, and two 10-14 year-old son/grandsons. John Martin owned one 10-23 year-old male slave.
[7] According to the 1830 Federal Census, the 50-59 year-old Joseph Hall (Joseph Hall’s father?) was living in Topkinsville Township of Monroe County, Kentucky. Joseph Hall was living with his 40-49 year-old wife (Jane?), his 20-29 year-old son (Joseph Hall?), his two 15-19 year-old sons, his 10-14 year-old daughter, his 5-9 year-old son (Joseph Hall’s brother Martin Hall?), his 5-9 year-old daughter, and his son under the age of five. Joseph Hall owned one 10-23 year-old male slave.
Living nearby was the 60-69 year-old William Hall. William Hall was living with his 30-39 year-old wife, his 15-19 year-old son, his 10-14 year-old son, his 5-9 year-old daughter, and his two sons under the age of five;
Living nearby was the 50-59 year-old James Hall. James Hall was living with his 20-29 year-old wife, his 15-19 year-old son, his 15-19 year-old daughter his 10-14 year-old daughter, his two 5-9 year-old sons, and his son under the age of five. James Hall owned six slaves;
Also living in Tompkinsville Township was 20-29 year-old John Hale (Hall?). John Hall was living with his 20-29 year-old wife, a 15-19 year-old free white female, his son under the age of five, and his daughter under the age of five.
[8] A review of the autosomal DNA of a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall provided 44 matches to descendants of Joseph Hall (1776-1839) and his wife Jane Hall (1782-1842). While 33 of the matches were through Joseph Hall (1806-1854), seven of the matches were through Martin Hall (1822-?), three were through Permelia Hall (1818-1908), and one match through James M. Hall (1803-1862). As previously noted, the 28 year-old Martin Hall and his family were living in the adjacent household to Sarah Evelyn Hall’s father in Jasper County (Missouri) in the 1850 Federal Census. Of the 33 matches through Joseph Hall (1806-1854), nearly half (16) of the matches were through Sarah Evelyn Hall’s sister Elizabeth Hall with seven descendants of Elizabeth Hall’s first husband Lewis Bohannon and the other nine matches were through Elizabeth Hall’s second husband Levi Roden; one match through Sarah Evelyn Hall’s sister Roxana Jane Hall and her first husband John Kelsey; and the other 16 matches were through Sarah Evelyn Hall and her husband Thomas Allen Wilson.
Of the seven of the matches were through Martin Hall (1822-?), three of the matches were through Martin Hall’s daughter Mary Jane Hall (1841-1934), and one match through his daughter Permelia Hall (1849-1911).
[10] The autosomal DNA of a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall indicated another 12 matches to siblings of Joseph Hall (1776-1839) with seven matches through his brother William Hall (1780-1849), two matches through his brother M. Hall (1793-1860), two through his brother James Hall (1795-1830), and one through his brother Robert Johnston Hall (1782-1831). The parents of Joseph Hall (1776-1839) and his brothers were James H. Hall (1753-1845) and his wife Elizabeth Johnston (1759-1839).
[11] According to traditional naming traditions (conventions) in Great Britain, the first born son would be named after his paternal grandfather, the second son would be named after his maternal grandfather, the third son named after his father, the fourth son named after his father’s eldest brother, and the fifth son named after mother’s eldest brother. Similarly, the first born daughter would be named after her maternal grandmother, the second daughter would be named after her paternal grandmother, the third daughter named after her mother, the fourth daughter named after her mother’s eldest sister, and the fifth daughter named after her father’s eldest sister. If these naming conventions were followed, Joseph Hall’s eldest son Abraham Engart Hall would have been named after Joseph Hall’s father (Abraham Engart Hall?) or the father of Joseph Hall’s wife Sarah (Abraham Engart?). Similarly, traditional naming conventions suggest Joseph Hall’s eldest daughter Elizabeth Mary Hall was named after Joseph Hall’s mother (Elizabeth Mary Hall?) and Lucety (?) Mayfield was named after the mother of Joseph Hall’s wife Sarah (Lucety/Lusseta Mayfield?).
[12] Madison County (Kentucky) Will Book A, Pages 489-490 (need to verify); Madison County (Kentucky) Court Records for the April 1809 Term (need to verify).
[14] The autosomal DNA matching on Ancestry.com included a 17 cM across one segment between a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Halland a 7th great-granddaughter of John Enyart/Enyeart (1715-1818) and his wife Catherine Brininger (1716-?) through his son John Enyard (1739-1806) and his wife Rebecca Mary Wright (1740-1806-?); and his daughter Mary Enyard (1762-1842) and her husband William P. Cate (1768-1842).
The autosomal DNA matching on Ancestry.com included a 11 cM across one segment between a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall and a 7th great-granddaughter of John Enyart/Enyard (1739-1806) and his wife Rebecca Mary Wright (1740-1806) through their daughter Mary Enyard (1762-1842) and her husband William P. Cate (1768-1842).
The autosomal DNA matching on Ancestry.com included a 9 cM across one segment between a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall and a 4th great-granddaughter of William P. Cate (1768-1842) and his wife ? Enyard (1770-?) through their daughter Sarah “Sally” Cate (1799-1831).
The autosomal DNA matching on Ancestry.com included a 9 cM across one segment between a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall and a 7th great-grandson of William P. Cate (1757-1842) and his wife Mary Enyard (1770-?) through their daughter Catherine Celia Cate (1780-1831) and her husband Joseph Isaac M. Newman (1778-1861).
The autosomal DNA matching on Ancestry.com included a 11 cM across one segment between a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall and a 6th great-granddaughter of David Enyard (1728-1815) and his wife Elizabeth (1729-1779) through his son William Enyeart (1752-1828) and his wife Jane Norris (1772-1848); through his son Joseph Enyeart (1799-1852) and his wife Margaret Wickard (1796-1853). David Enyard (1728-1815) was reported to have been born in Somerset (New Jersey).
[15] The autosomal DNA matching on Ancestry.com included a 14 cM across one segment between a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall and a 6th great-granddaughter of David Enyart (1777-1851) and his wife Rachel Titus (1778-1863) through his daughter Ann Enyart (1806-1864) and her husband John Henry Mobly (1797-1867).
The autosomal DNA matching on Ancestry.com included a 14 cM across one segment between a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall and a 7th great-granddaughter of Rachel Enyart (1782-1850) through her daughter Martha King (1833-1876) and her husband John A. Hunt (1836-1900). Rachel Enyart was reported to have been born in Madison County (Kentucky) in 1782; and to have died in Howard County (Missouri) in 1850.
[18] According to the 1830 Federal Census, the 20-29 year-old Abraham Engart was living in Howard County, Missouri. Abraham Engart was living with his 20-29 year-old wife, his son under the age of five, and his daughter under the age of five.
Living nearby in Howard County (Missouri) was the 50-59 year-old Silas Engart. Silas Engart was living with his 40-49 year-old wife, two 20-29 year-old sons, two 10-14 year-old sons, and two 5-9 year-old sons. Silas Engart owned seven slaves;
Also living in Howard County (Missouri) was the 20-29 year-old S. Engart (Silas Engart Jr ?). S. Engart was living with his 20-29 year-old wife and son under that age of five;
Also living in Howard County (Missouri) was the 20-29 year-old David Ingard. David Ingard was living with his 20-29 year-old wife and three daughters under the age of five. David Ingard owned one slave.
According to the 1850 Federal Census, the 74 year-old David Enyart (Engart ?) was a farmer living in Howard County, Missouri. Born in North Carolina, David Enyart was living with his 72 year-old wife Rachel Enyart. Rachel was born in Virginia.
[19] The autosomal DNA matching on Ancestry.com included a 13 cM across one segment between a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall and a 3rd great-grandson of Gideon Mayfield (1770-1829) and his wife Sarah McDougall (1772-?) through their son John Mayfield (abt1795-1846) who they reported died in Newton County (Missouri) in 1846.
The autosomal DNA matching on Ancestry.com included a 9 cM across one segment between a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall and a 4th great-granddaughter of Gideon Mayfield (1758-1829) through his son John Mayfield (abt1795-1846) who died in McDonald or Newton County (Missouri) on February 2, 1846;
The autosomal DNA matching on Ancestry.com included a 8 cM across one segment between a great-great-granddaughter of Joseph Hall and a 4th great-granddaughter of Gideon J. Mayfield (1758-1829) and his wife Sarah Jane McDougall (1772-1846) through their son John Mayfield (abt1795-1846) who died in Newton County (Missouri) on February 2, 1846.
William Dewees[i] was born (Wilhelm Gerrit de Wees) in March 1680, the son of Gerrit Hendricks (c. 1641-1701) and Sijske (Zytian) (c. 1649-1703) de Wees, immigrants from the Dutch Republic to New Amsterdam, New Netherlands in 1663-1664. He was baptized in the Dutch Reformed Collegiate Church on March 30, 1680.[ii] By then, the city had become New York and, after some rough years, his father was a well-established butcher. William had an older sister, Wilhelmina (1663). There were two surviving older brothers; Liuwes (1675), Hendrick (1677), and soon he would have a younger brother Cornelius (1682).[iii] The family lived in a house on Smith (William) Street, just inside the city wall.[iv]
Excerpts from William DeWees of Germantown
by William H. J. Manthorpe, Jr.
In 1688, William’s father, Gerrit Hendricks, met Willem Rittenhúÿsen (William Rittenhouse, 1644-1708). He was a Mennonite who had arrived in New York in November 1687, on the way to join his co-religionists in Germantown, Pennsylvania.[v] Rittenhouse had already acquired several lots on the main street there and had plans for establishing a business.[vi] The two men soon formed a plan to unite their families in marriage and business, and establish them in Germantown. On May 29, 1689, William’s older sister Wilhelmina (1663-1737), married Nicholas (Claus) Rittenhouse (1666-1734), the son of William Rittenhouse. They were married in the Dutch Reformed Collegiate Church of New York.[vii] They left for Germantown, where Claus was already established.
The next day, responding to rumors of renewed Catholic-Protestant conflict in England and news of an anti-royal revolt in Boston, rebellion broke out in New York.[viii] A company of forty-nine militia, led by one Captain Leisler and including Gerrit Hendricks de Wees, seized control of the fort. The royal lieutenant governor fled to London and Captain Leisler assumed the position of Lieutenant Governor of the Province of New York.[ix] Understanding that, no matter the outcome in England, rebels in the colonies would be punished, Gerrit Hendricks, Sijske and the boys were soon on the way to Germantown.
On March 1, 1690, Gerrit Hendricks acquired the deed to a 50-acre property in Germantown, adjacent to the property owned by William Rittenhouse.[x]
Portion of Zimmerman-Lehman Map (1714/1746/1766). Original was oriented almost S-N. This extract has been reoriented to almost N-S to conform for ease of comparison to current maps. Thus, the writing is reversed. Germantown Ave. is marked 1. “Road to Abington” marked 2 is now Washington Lane. Upper Burial Ground, location of Dewees graves is marked 3. Dewees 1690 property, lot 20, is marked 4.[xi]
William’s Arrival in Germantown.
While Gerrit Hendricks got the family settled, William Rittenhouse leased a twenty-acre lot on a small stream, Monoshone Creek, off Wissahickon Creek, a tributary of the Schuylkill River. He formed a company with three prominent English citizens of Philadelphia, notably the printer and newspaper publisher William Bradford, to erect a papermill. Today William Rittenhouse is credited with being the first papermaker in British North America.[xii]
William was about 10 years old. He was apprenticed to Aret Klinchen, an earlier settler. In 1689, Klinchen was listed as “lot holder” on the lot that Gerrit Hendricks acquired.[xiii] Klinchen built the first two-story house in Germantown and William Penn attended the housewarming dinner.[xiv] It is possible that William was apprenticed to Klinchen to build or complete the original Dewees family home. Soon thereafter, young William was working in the Rittenhouse papermill, learning the trade and business from his older brother-in-law, Claus Rittenhouse.
Meanwhile, his brother Hendrick died at age 15. Lieues (Lewis) (1675-1743) about 10, was apprenticed to Andris Souplis, a weaver. Cornelius (1682-1734), about 8, was awaiting his calling.
Gerrit Hendricks died in April 1701.[xv]Sjitske, (recorded as Zytian) de Wees had the original family property divided into two lots of twenty-five acres.[xvi] She sold one lot to John Conrad Codweis in December 1701.[xvii] It seems to have been the portion with the family home on it. Codweis may have bought it as a friendly investment and let the family continue to live in their home.[xviii] She sold the second lot the same day to John Henry Mehls, who had recently arrived in Germantown with his family.[xix] That would provide funds for the family’s support.[xx] She died in 1703. Gerritt Hendricks and Sjitske are buried in the Old Burial Ground in Germantown.
William Establishes Himself in Germantown.
In 1700, the Rittenhouse mill was washed away in a flood and had to be reconstructed.[xxi] At that time, age 22, William set out to make a life for himself. In 1703, William took a mortgage and re-bought the family lot and home on Germantown Avenue that his mother had sold, and in which she, he, and his brothers Lewis and Cornelius had continued to live.[xxii]
In that same year, William and his brother Cornelius became involved in establishing a Mennonite settlement in Skippack.[xxiii] On December 3, 1703, the Council of Germantown contracted with William to provide the lumber for, and probably build, a jail. He was putting the carpentry skills learned in his apprenticeship to good use, earning money to provide a home for himself and his brothers.
In 1704, William became a Constable of Germantown.[xxiv] Constables were required to be freeholders, which William had become by his re-purchase of part of the original family property. About that year, he married fourteen-year-old Anna Christina Mehls (c. 1690-1749),[xxv] the daughter of Hans Henrich Mehls (1660-1715) and Anna Catherine (Steinin) Mehls (1674-1720).[xxvi]William and Anna Christina had been neighbors for several years and would remain neighbors with her family for the next five years.[xxvii]
In 1705 and in 1706, William was Sheriff of Germantown.[xxviii] In 1707, William was chosen to represent Germantown as one of the six Philadelphia County Councilors.[xxix]
By 1702, Daniel Francis Pastorius, who had brought the original thirteen settlers to Germantown, opened the first school.[xxx] Although the settlers of Germantown were German and Dutch speakers, the school was “conducted in English because of his belief that German children should learn English to aid with the assimilation process into American society.“[xxxi] In 1706-1708, William was listed as a patron of the school.[xxxii]William and Cornelius would later send their children to the school, giving them a good start for life in British America.[xxxiii]
In 1706, William sold the original family home.[xxxiv] This sale got the brothers moving on with their separate lives. In 1708, Cornelius married. William joined him in buying acreage in Skippack on which Cornelius settled and took up farming.[xxxv] At about this time, Lewis departed for Philadelphia to pursue his trade as a weaver.[xxxvi]
In 1710, William bought 100 acres of land farther along Germantown Road from the original family home. [xxxvii] It was in Crefeld Village just at the edge of Germantown Township.[xxxviii] Specifically, it was “Down at the foot of the hill where the road crossed the creek below Howell’s land and adjoining the Proprietors Manor of Springfield.“[xxxix] He established a home and built a papermill on that property. It was the second papermill in Pennsylvania, on the west side of Wissahickon Creek, upstream from that of Rittenhouse.[xl]
Today, “Located near the Germantown Ave. Bridge across from Chestnut Hill College, visitors will see this large engraved stone. There are stairs leading you into Harper’s Meadow [in Fairmount Park] that will take you here. This marker sits on the former site of the Willem “William” Dewee’s (Dutch descent) home built around 1710.“[xli] The inscription on the stone reads, in part: “…across the road he built about 1710 the second papermill in America.“
Map 2. Estimated Locations of William Dewees’ 1710 home and papermill.
Image on the Left: Dewees home as it appeared in about 1860. Courtesy Germantown Historical Society. Catalog 2010.361.1. According to the Historical Society, by that time, most originally stone homes had been covered with stucco. Image on the Right: Dewees house by Frank H. Taylor. From Frank H. Taylor, Old Philadelphia, image #368.[xlii]
Now that William had established a business and had his own home, he and Anna Christina could settle down to raise a family. There would be eight children. Among them were; Garrett (III-1,1710-1778), Christina E. (III-2, c. 1702-1782), William M. (III-4,1711-1777), and Henry (III-5,1716- 1801). There were two younger sons and two younger daughters.[xliii]
In 1712, William and Cornelius disposed of the land they had bought in Skippack.[xliv] Then, in 1713, William sold his mill, and the 100 acres of land on which he had established it, to a group comprised of Claus Rittenhouse, John Gorgas and William Streeper.[xlv] He and the family continued to live in the home and he operated the mill along with John Gorgas, who was married to Sophia Rittenhouse. They “…manufactured an imitation of asses-skin paper for memorandum books, which was well executed.“[xlvi]
William Turns His Efforts to Providing for the Community and His Family.
William began to shift his attention to religious affairs. In 1710, a minister, Paul Van Vlecq, had arrived in the area.[xlvii] He assisted in forming a German reformed congregation in Skippack and a Dutch reformed congregation in Whitemarsh. Hans Heinrich Mehls, was the Senior Elder and William was elected as a Junior Elder of that congregation. William soon was elected Senior Elder. The congregation began meeting in William’s home. [xlviii]
In 1720, John Phillip Boehm, a schoolmaster, immigrated and joined the Whitemarsh congregation. William and his congregation encouraged him to become their lay preacher, as did the congregation at Skippack and another nearby congregation at Falkner Swamp.[xlix] By 1725, the three congregations had established a common form of church government and invited Boehm to become the pastor of a combined Reformed Church.[l] From October to December 1725, Boehm held communion for forty members of the congregation at Falkner Swamp, thirty-seven at Skippack, and twenty-four at Whitemarsh.[li]William was instrumental in having Boehm ordained in 1729 by the Dutch Reformed Church in New York. The event was attended by William and representatives of the other two congregations.[lii]
Serving in church leadership positions as Elder and Deacon, William held the small congregation at Whitemarsh together and it met in his house until he died. Today he and the combined Reformed Church he organized and supported are considered to be the foundation of the “Reformed Church” denominations in the United States.[liii]
In addition to assuring the future of the Reformed Church, William had begun assuring the future of his family.
In 1726, William’s daughter Christina E. (III-2, c. 1702-1782) was married to Henry Antes (1701-1755)[liv] by Pastor Boehm in Whitemarsh, in William’s home.
In 1729, William re-purchased 93 acres of the 100 acres that he had earlier sold to the Rittenhouse/Gorgas/Streeper group.[lv] This did not include the 1710 home and papermill and the seven acres of land on which they were located. William, Anna Christina, and the family, however, apparently continued living in the house for a while. It is likely that, at this time, William apprenticed his son Henry, age 13, in papermaking at this mill.
William and young Henry Antes, who was a carpenter, entered into a joint agreement for use of the reacquired property. A gristmill and mill house were built by Henry Antes. He received half interest in it and operated it and sold the flour as payment for his work. He and Christina E lived in the mill house. William was responsible for digging the millrace and he built a new papermill. These facilities were on the east side of the creek, across and somewhat downstream from the 1710 home and first papermill.[lvi]
In another effort to help his family, in April 1732, William purchased a 143-acre tract of land on Sprogels Run and the Schuylkill River near Pottstown, Pennsylvania, from his brother Cornelius.[lvii] While he gained ownership, he let Cornelius and his family live on some of that land until Cornelius’ death in about 1734.[lviii]
Map of “The German Tract” with Cornelius’ Land in Sprogels Run listed between Arnold Custer’s land and John Lewis’ land. Frontispiece to Bulletin of the Montgomery County Historical Society, Vol VIII, No 3 (October 1952).[lix]
By 1736, Christina E. and Henry Antes had two daughters and a son, Phillip Frederick (1730-1801). That same year they had another son, John Henry (III-14, 1736-1820). These were William and Christina’s first grandchildren. Finally, financially secure from his partnership with William, in 1736, Henry Antes bought a gristmill of his own and built a home on 175 acres in Frederick Township.[lx] They moved there.
William, Anna Christina, son Henry and the younger children moved into the gristmill house that Antes had built. At this time, he likely ended his and Henry’s involvement with the original 1710 papermill. William retained the new papermill and gristmill. Henry, age twenty, probably began operating the new papermill. William, however, continued his management interest. In 1740, he sent Benjamin Franklin a second shipment of “large printing paper.” He signed himself as “WM. DEWEES JNR“.[lxi]
Son William M., was already out of the family home. In 1735, he had married Rachel Farmar (1712-1777), who he had known since childhood.[lxii] She was the daughter of a Dewees neighbor, Edward Farmar (1672-1745).[lxiii] The Farmar family had been granted extensive land holdings by William Penn with the stipulation that the family sell 100-acre plantations to others.[lxiv] Edward established his home and gristmill on some of the property.
A portion of Thomas Holmes’ “A Mapp of Ye Improved Part of Pensilvania in America, Divided Into Countyes, Townships and Lotts….” (circa 1687).[lxv] Map shows how Dewees and Farmar families were neighbors. 1-The Farmar lands and location of the Farmar home and mill in 1690.[lxvi] 2-The location of the Dewees home and papermill in 1710. That Dewees home and papermill were described as “adjoining the Proprietor’s Mall of Springfield.“[lxvii] 3-Thus, originally, the two families were only divided by a narrow strip of Springfield land.
Despite his father’s leadership of the Whitemarsh Reformed Church, William M. and Rachel were married in what was known then as the “Little Church at Whitemarsh.” That church had been established on land that had been donated by Rachel’s father.[lxviii]
William M. and Rachel were living on Farmar property and William was assisting in selling some of his father-in-law’s land, as required in the original Penn grant.[lxix] During that time, William M. and Rachel provided William and Anna Christina with two grandsons, William Farmar (III- 4-20, c.1737-?)[lxx] and Thomas (III-4-21, 1742-1783).[lxxi]
In 1738, William sold son Henry the 143-acre tract of land on Sprogels Run and the Schuylkill River near Pottstown, Pennsylvania, that he had bought from his brother Cornelius. (see German Tract Map)[lxxii] In the same year Henry bought 125 acres of land in Springfield, Township from his father. That was the narrow strip of land that originally separated the Farmar and Dewees properties. (see Thomas Holmes Map)[lxxiii]
Now with the prospects of a secure life, in November 1743, Henry took out a marriage license. He did not, however, list an intended wife, as almost every other man did.[lxxiv]
William Dewees died on March 3, 1744-1745.[lxxv] He was buried in the Upper Burial Ground in Germantown. In his will he described himself as a “Miller.“[lxxvi] He appointed his wife Anna Christina, his eldest son Garrett, and his son-in law, Henry Antes, as executors. He left to Garrett Dewees “All that my dwelling House, Grist Mill, Land and plantation situate in Germantown aforesaid with the Buildings and appurtenances thereunto belonging To Hold unto him.“[lxxvii]William stipulated that Anna have “the privilege of any Room of my new dwelling house to Live in so long as the said dwelling house shall remain unsold after my decease.“[lxxviii] Garrett was to provide 100 pounds to named sons and 70 pounds to named daughters, to be paid in flour. William left his sons, William M. and Henry, a token five shillings.
In 1748, son Garrett transferred all that he had inherited to his father-in-law, William Streeper, and departed for New Jersey. That made Streeper, who was a partner in the investors group owning the original 1710 family home and papermill complex of 7 acres, the owner of all the 1710 Dewees Chestnut Hill property, including the gristmill and new home in which Anna Christina was still living.
Anna Christina died in 1749 and was buried alongside her husband in the Upper Burial Ground in Germantown. Streeper soon sold some of the original 100 acres and 1710 house and papermill to the Paul family and kept some for himself. (continued at Part II-William DeWees of Germantown 1680-1745).
[i]William Dewees of Germantown is the Fifth Great-Grandfather of William Henry James Manthorpe, son of William Manthorpe and Hannah Mary (Dewees descendant) Hoffman.
The genealogical and historical information in this Part are drawn principally from the well-researched and thoroughly documented works: “The Family of Gerrit Hendricks de Wees (1640)” (Hereafter, Gerrit de Wees, Wilson Blog). And, “The Family of Wilhelm de Wees, (1680)” (Hereafter “Wilhelm de Wees,” Wilson Blog.) Additional genealogical data, biographical facts and historical information are drawn from “Part II William Dewees,” 21-36 and “Part III Descendants of William Dewees,” in Ellwood Roberts, ed., Mrs. Phillip A. La Munyan, The Dewees Family (Norristown, PA: William H. Roberts, 1905), 37 et. seq. (Hereafter cited as La Munyan. Other family trees have been consulted. Another extensive Dewees family tree is Don Norman, “Descendants of Adriane Heyndricks Dewees“.
[iii] These are baptism dates from “Gerit de Wees,” Wilson Blog. Presumably done soon after birth. La Munyan has William born in 1677, no information on the others.
According to a list of home owners prepared by the British in 1674, ‘Garret Hendricks…Dutch’ was listed as living on Smith Street (now called William Street between Hanover Square and Wall Street) next to ‘John Ray…English.’ The house of ‘Gerrit Hendricks’ was ‘on the present south-west corner of Wall and William streets.’” “Gerrit de Wees,” Wilson Blog.
That location is 48 Wall Street, formerly the Bank of New York & Trust Company Building. The Bank of New York moved to that location in 1798, starting the development of the Financial District.
[v] Germantown was first settled by 13 Mennonite and Dutch Quaker families. The Mennonites were fleeing persecution in Switzerland and Germany, the Dutch fled persecution in Holland. They and others had gathered near the town of Crefeld in Germany, just across the border from Holland on the Rhine River. They were brought to America by Francis Daniel Pastorius. He was from a wealthy German family. He was a well educated as a youth, university educated as a lawyer, and had served as a tutor for a young nobleman for a tour of Northern Europe. When his family supported putting down a rebellion against the local oligarchy, he moved to Frankfurt. There, the Frankfort Land Company employed him to bring the first settlers to Germantown. He was acting as agent for Derik Sipman of Crefeld to bring these families to his land. They sailed from London on the Concord. While they had an easy voyage, after their arrival in Philadelphia, where they spent the winter, things were difficult. Pastorius said, “It could not be described, and would not be believed by coming generations in what want and need and with what Christian contentment and persistent energy this German township started.” Samuel W. Pennypacker, The Settlement of Germantown, Pennsylvania, and the Beginning of German Emigration to North America (Philadelphia, PA: W. J. Campbell, 1899). Internet Archive, archive.org. Randal L. Whitman, The Settlement of Germantown and the beginning of Germantown Immigration to North America (Philadelphia, PA: W. J. Campbell, 1899). Internet Archive, archive.org. (Hereafter, Whitman, Germantown.) And Randal L. Whitman, “The Settlement of Germantown and the Beginning of the Germantown Meeting,” Germantown Monthly Meeting, http://gmm.gfsnet.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/The_Settlement_of_ Germantown_in_1683 .pdf. (Hereafter, Whitman, “Germantown Meeting.”)
Pennypacker focuses mainly on the Mennonites. Whitman on the Quakers.
William Penn granted Germantown status as a borough of Pennsylvania, confirmed in 1691 by royal charter.
[vi] “Addenda: Germantown Settlement: Lot Owners in 1689 and 1714,” in Whitman, “Germantown Meeting,” 23. In the 1689 list of lot holders, William Rittenhouse holds one lot and his son Claus holds two lots.
[viii] This event came at the culmination of the long period of Catholic-Protestant, and Monarchy-Parliament conflict over who would rule Great Britain and how.
The English Civil War (1642-1649) ended with the execution of King Charles I, the expulsion of his sons Charles and James, and the establishment of the English Commonwealth under a Puritan Protector, Oliver Cromwell and a republican government by Parliament. As the Protectorate weakened under Cromwell’s son, Richard, Charles II made a renewed claim to the throne with a “declaration of promise.” He promised religious lenience and tolerance and, above all, to rule in cooperation with Parliament. He was restored to the throne in 1660. Charles long reign was characterized by the Anglo-Dutch Wars, an uneasy balance between Catholics and Protestants, and tension over his rights to be an absolute monarch and the rights of Parliament.
In 1684, Charles revoked the colonial charters that granted self-government to Protestant the New England colonies and combined them, along with New York, into one Royal Dominion. No actions had yet been taken to restrict religious freedoms. Charles died in 1685 and his brother James, the Duke of York, became King James II. King James was a Catholic and it was feared he might try to perpetuate Catholic rule and anti-Protestant measures. The uneasy balance continued, however, because Mary, James’ eldest daughter and presumptive heir, was Protestant. When a son was born to King James, however, it looked like a Catholic dynasty might come to rule. As a result, and for political reasons, King James was deposed by Parliament in the “Glorious Revolution” of 1688. He fled to France, and Parliament brought Protestant Mary and her husband, William of Orange, to the throne. These events finally established the primacy of Parliament over the Monarchy in an unwritten English Constitution.
In March 1689, however, James landed in Ireland with an army supported by the French and there was fear was he would regain the throne, establish a Catholic monarchy and threaten the Protestant faithful at home and in the colonies. That is what provoked the actions in Boston, where it seems revolutions begin.
[x] La Munyan, 15-16. The deed was from Derik Sipman for one 50-acre property. (It later became two lots, 20 and 21. It is shown in records and on the map that way.) It was subject to annual ground rent to Sipman. Duffin, “Addendum C,” Lot Twenty, 1 March 1690, Germantown Transaction No. 1., 539.
[xi] Duffin, “Addendum C, “ Map: Germantown Lots toward Bristol: Town Lots (1-23) and Side Lots toward Philadelphia(1-4), 497. Map shows Lot 20 as two lots based on the 1714 date. It was subdivided at Gerrit’s death in 1701. Today these lots are 9219-9227 Germantown Avenue. They are now occupied by a parking lot associated with a RiteAid drugstore and a small grassy plot.
[xvi] Duffin, “Addendum C:,” Lot Twenty, Transaction No. 1. Note “…records reveal they were originally one lot which was later subdivided by Zytien [sic] de Wees,” 539.
[xvii] La Munyan, 16. Duffin, “Addendum C,” Lot Twenty, 23 December 1701, Transaction No. 2., 540. One of the witnesses to this transaction was “Hans Heinrich Mehls.”
[xviii] After this sale I have found no evidence that the family relocated.
[xix] La Munyan, 17. Duffin, “Addendum C,” Lot Twenty One. 23 December 1701, Transaction No. 1. ,541. The transaction was to “John Henry Mehls.”
[xx] In all these arrangements, Claus Rittenhouse, her son-in-law, was acting for her.
[xxi] J. Thomas Scharf and Thompson Westcott, History of Philadelphia: 1609-1884 (Philadelphia, PA: L. H. Everts & Co., 1884),l:223. Daniel, K. Cassel, A General-Biographical History of the Rittenhouse Family (Philadelphia, PA: the Rittenhouse Memorial Association, 1893), 255.
[xxii] La Munyan, 17. Duffin, “Addendum C,” Lot Twenty 10 February 1703, Transaction No. 3. 541. In this sale Codweis declared he had bought the lot in April 1701. La Munyan, 17. He actually bought it in December. (See en. 17 above.) That suggests that Codweis bought the lot to help the family after Gerrit’s death. He apparently didn’t recall the exact date of purchase but knew the purchase was related to Gerrit’s death, which he recalled was around April.
The Skippack area was adjacent to Germantown to the northwest. It was bought by Mattias Van Bebber in 1698. He had come to Germantown in 1687 with his family. He recognized that many of the earlier setters were disappointed with the area of Germantown as farmland. He selected his land between two creeks, Skippack and Perkiomen. It was ideal farmland. This became Skippack Township and was later split into the current Skippack and Perkiomen Townships of Montgomery County. Andy McClay, Historian Skippack Historical Society, “William Penn’s Holy Experiment,” https://www.skippack.org/skippackorigin.htm. Samuel W. Pennypacker, “Bebber’s Township and the Dutch Patrons of Pennsylvania“ The Pennsylvania Magazine of Biography and History 33, no 1 (1907). JSTOR. Joseph J. Peters, “The Historical Relationship of Germantown and the Skippack,” Germantown Crier, (Spring 1970), 1-4. https://historicgermantownpa.org/1970/05/historical-relationship-of-germantown-and-the-skippack-spring-1970/.
The interest that William and Cornelius had in a Mennonite settlement may have come from their neighbors. The original Dewees Germantown home lots were situated between lots owned by Derik Keyser and William Rittenhouse. Both were Mennonites. Derik Keyser was an early lay-reader to the Mennonites and William Rittenhouse was elected as the first preacher.
[xxiv]La Munyan, 22. Pennypacker, The Settlement of Germantown, 287-288.
[xxv] Her dates and parents are from “Wilhelm de Wees,” Wilson Blog. Trees on Ancestry.com give 1680-1749. A source for that earlier date is unknown. It is likely to be more wishful thinking than accurate. (See en. 43 below.)
[xxvi] “Wilhelm de Wees,” Wilson Blog and various family trees on Ancestry.com give Hans Henrich Mehls (1660-1715) and Anna Catherine (Steinin) Mehls (1674-1720) as parents of Anna Christina (Mehls) Dewees (1690-1749). (See ens., 17 and 19 above in which Hans Heinrich Mehls was a witness to Zytian Dewees selling one piece of the original property and John Henry Mehls, the purchaser of the other.) As that person Hans Heinrich Mehls is, along with Gerrit Hendricks de Wees, a great-grandfather in the line of descendants from William of Germantown, questions arise. Was Hans Heinrich a brother, cousin, etc. living with John Henry? Or? Why?
[xxviii] La Munyan, 22, 27-28. Pennypacker, 287-288.
[xxix] There may not have been formal elections in Germantown at the time. From the available records, it seems like the prominent men of Germantown took turns serving one-year terms in the various positions. The borough had a bailiff (mayor), three burgesses, a recorder, clerk, sheriff and three constables. In 1706, James Delaplaine was Bailiff, William was Sheriff and his brother Cornelius one of Constables. Pennypacker, 287-288. Germantown’s status as a borough ended in 1706. After that it was part of Philadelphia County.
[xxx] Pastorious wrote his textbook, A New Primmer or Methodical Directions to Attain the True Spelling, Reading, and Writing of English in1698. In 1700, he went to Philadelphia to teach in a Quaker school. He returned to open his school in Germantown in 1702.
[xxxi] Selena Bemak, “How Early German Immigration and the Establishment of Germantown Influenced Philadelphia,” New Errands: The Undergrdauate Journal of American Studies, https://journals.psu.edu/ne/article/view/61058.
[xxxii] Pennypacker, Settlement of Germantown, 63.
[xxxiv] La Munyan, 17. Duffin, “Addendum C,” Lot Twenty, 22d 12 m (January) 1705/1706. Transaction No. 4, 540.
[xxxv]Cornelius had married Margaret Koster in 1708. “On June 20, 1708, Cornelius Dewees with his older brother William Dewees reportedly purchased 390 acres located in Bebber’s Township that Cornelius Dewees would live and farm with his family.” William Dewees never lived on the property. La Munyan, 21. (I cannot verify the 390 acres.) This may have included the 293 acres sold by Matthias Van Bebber to ‘William Dewees of Germantown Township in the Co. of Philadelphia., papermaker, and Cornelius Dewees of Van Bebber Twp., husbandman.’ The 293 acres (located near present-day the unincorporated community of Creamery in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania,….” “Family of Cornelius de Wees.” Wilson Blog.
[xxxvi] He is first recorded in Philadelphia in 1713. By 1727 he had bought 300 acres in Kent County, Delaware. He had named himself “Lewis Deweese.” La Munyan, 211.
[xxxviii] Crefeld is the name of the town from which the original settlers started their journey to Germantown. Today it is Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia, PA.
The land was bought with a guarantee from Claus Rittenhouse and a loan from Pastor Van Vlecq. The land was owned by Heivert Papen, the deceased husband of Claus Rittenhouse’s sister, Elizabeth. Today the area fronts on the 9600-9700 block of Germantown Ave where it crosses Wissahickon Creek, across from Chestnut Hill College.
[xl] Lyman Horace Weeks, A History of Papermaking in the United States (NY: Lakewood Trade Journal Co., 1916), 10. Internet Archive, https://ia600303.us.archive.org/.
[xliii] I have listed only those individuals who figure in this history. Birth order is from La Munyan. Birth/Baptism dates are from “Wilhelm de Wees,” Wilson Blog. Thus, note that for Christina E. birth order in La Munyan is 2, but birth date from “Wilhelm de Wees,” Wilson Blog is 1702 much earlier than other children. At that time William was 22 and Anna Catherine only 12. Certainly possible, especially if she were “the girl next door” and her parents Hans Heinrich and Catherine and she were living with John Henry Mehls. Perhaps it was the reason for the marriage about 1704. Death dates are from other sources. Other children were Eva Catherina Margaret (~1707), Mary (?) Cornelius (III-6, 1719-1834) and Phillip (~1724). “Wilhelm de Wees,” Wilson Blog.
From this point on, to avoid confusion between the many members of the Dewees family who have the same name, the numerals after an individual’s name will identify them. The Roman numerals after an individual’s name indicate the part in La Munyan in which their name can be found. The Arabic numbers indicate their place on the generational listing. For example, “Part III: Descendants of William Dewees,” covers the family of William Dewees, so William Dewees is (III, 1680-1745), his first son Garrett is (III-1, 1710- 1778), his fourth child, William Mehls Dewees is (III-4,1711-1777), etc. Furthermore, to reduce confusion between Williams, William Mehls Dewees (III-4, 1711-1777) will be William M. and his son William Farmar Dewees (III-4-20, 1739-?) will be William F. In life they both called themselves “William Jr.”
[xliv] “On June 6, 1712, ‘William Dewees, papermaker of German Twp…and Cornelius Dewees of Van Bebber Twp yeoman…signed over the deeds to 193 acres in Van Bebber Twp.,…’ The 193 acres was in Skippack Creek….’On that same day, ‘William Dewees…,paper maker of Germantown Township and Cornelius Dewees of Van Bebber Twp., yeoman…sold 56 acres…. “ “Family of Cornelius Dewees,” Wilson Blog. Those transactions left 44 acres of the 293 that they had originally purchased. (See en 34 above.)
Cornelius moved his family to a 143-acre tract of land on Sprogels Run and the Schuylkill River near Pottstown, Pennsylvania, to be near his wife’s brother. There is now a development called Sprogel’s Run near Pottstown that may be on part of this property.
[xlv] Munyan, 27. Weeks, 10. Streeper was not only a neighboring land owner, but he was the father-in-law of William’s older brother Garrett. Later William would buy the land, except for the mill, back. Later after William died and Garrett inherited the land on which the mill stood, he would transfer that to Streeper. Streeper then sold it to the Paul family. Maps of 1777 show the Pauls owning that land and a “Paul’s mill” on it.
[xlvii] The Swedish settlers and followers of Calvin already had congregations in Ben Salem and Neshaminy areas of northeastern Philadelphia County (Today, Bucks County). They had petitioned the Philadelphia Presbytery to grant them a pastor. “On May 20, 1710, the Bensalem Dutch Reformed Church was organized. On that date, Reverend Paulus Van Vlecq was installed as pastor at “Shamminii” (Neshaminy), Bensalem, Jermentouw (Germantown), and the surrounding villages. This is said to be the oldest Dutch Reformed Church record in Pennsylvania, and now belongs to the Dutch Reformed Church at Churchville, Bucks County.” “From the Files of…….Kathleen M. Smith,” https://vandergrift.tripod.com/bensalem.htm. Starting as a Dutch reformed congregation, under a Presbyterian pastor, today that Ben Salem Church is the Ben Salem Presbyterian Church, 2826 Bristol Rd. Ben Salem PA, 19020. “Bensalem Presbyterian Church is recognized by the Presbytery Philadelphia, Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) as being organized in 1705 and is one of the few Colonial era Presbyterian congregations in the region still worshiping in its original site. The grounds were deeded to the congregation in 1711.” https://oldbenpres.org/our-church/.
[xlviii]“Wilhem de Wees” Wilson Blog. La Munyan, 22-23. Whitemarsh was just north of Crefeld Villiage/Chestnut Hill. Today St. Paul’s United Church of Christ in Fort. Washington, PA, traces its origins to this church.
https://spuccfw.org/. “St Paul’s church traces its roots back to 1710, when a group of German and Dutch settlers founded a congregation in eastern Montgomery County….they met in a home near the present site of Chestnut Hill College. Known as the Reformed Church at Whitemarsh, the congregation worshipped regularly until the death of their founding elder and host, William Dewees in 1745. Having no building of their own, they ceased meeting and most members began worshipping in neighboring churches.” The 1710 records of William as a deacon and the christening of his sons appear in the records of the Bensalem Reformed Church. La Munyan, 223. They can be accessed in the “U.S., Presbyterian Church Records, 1701-1970,” https://www.ancestry.com/search/collections/61048/.
[xlix] That church is today The New Hanover Evangelical Lutheran Church, New Hanover PA. https://www.newhanoverlutheran.org/1700-1799/. “The foundation of the New Hanover Evangelical Lutheran Church is deeply rooted in the Germany of Martin Luther, transported to the new land on the evangelical wings of Daniel Falckner,… Falckner, a German theological student, came to America as an agent for the Frankfort Land Company. Ordained as a minister on a return visit to Germany just before 1700, Falckner then ministered among the scattered Lutherans in southeastern Pennsylvania….” In 1704, as Sheriff of Germantown, William had a problem with Falkner. He arrived late to court, was drunk and abusive. La Munyan. 28.
[l] That may have been encouraged by William since it is the same as happened in New York with the formation of the Dutch Reformed Collegiate Church in which he was baptized.
[li] “That was the first beginning of the German Reformed Church in this country.” William J. Hinke, “Early History of Wentz’s Reformed Church of Montgomery County, PA.,” Journal of the Pennsylvania Historical Society (September 1905), 333. JSTOR.org/stable23322613.
[lii] La Munyan, 22-24. Pastor Boehm had also started a Reformed Church in Philadelphia. In 1727 an ordained German Reformed minister named George Weiss arrived in Pennsylvania with a large group of Germans from the Palatinate. His arrival started a controversy, as Weiss argued that because Boehm had been ordained by the Dutch Reformed Church he could not lead the congregation. Weis left. That church called another preacher and became German Reformed and today continues as the “Old First Reformed United Church of Christ” at Fourth and Race Sts., Center City, Philadelphia. Brenda Gaydosh, “German Reformed Church,” Encyclopedia of Greater Philadelphia. https://philadelphiaencyclopedia.org/archive/german-reformed-church/
[liv]His name was John Henry Antes. For some reason Antes men went by their middle names. His two sons, John Henry Antes (III-14, 1736-1820) and Phillip Frederick (1730-1801) went by “Henry” and “Frederick” respectively.
[lv] La Munyan, 29 and “Wilhelm de Wees,” Wilson Blog.
[lvii] Cornelius purchased the land in 1723 in order to move to land adjacent to his wife’s older brother. “On March 9, 1723, Cornelius Dewees…purchased 143 acres from John Henry Sprogell. The 143 acre tract was adjacent…[to] the 316 acres tract owned by his brother-in-law (Arnold Custer). On April 9, 1732, Cornelius Dewees sold the 143 acre tract to his brother William Dewees….” See en 25 in Family of “Cornelius de Wees,”.
[lviii] The 1734 return of landholders listed Cornelius to have 24 acres and his son Garret to have an adjacent 100 acres. See also, “Family of Garret deWees 1707,”.
[lix] The text describing sales of this land is on 194.
[lx] Their home was in Upper Frederick Township, Montgomery County. Today it is a Historic Landmark and Museum located at 318 Colonial Road between Pottstown and Perkiomenville, PA.
[lxii] Farmar, Rachel,” Genealogies of Pennsylvania Families from Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine, (Baltimore, MD: Genealogical Publishing Co. 1982), 1: 521. La Munyan gives no marriage date. Date is from C. A. Baker, “Chapter 21, My Pennsylvania Ancestors, Part I Dewees and Farmar Families” Baker Family Tree, http://bakerfamilytree.blogspot.com/2009/01/chapter-21-my-pennsylvania-ancestors.html. And, from Philip Alan Farmar, EdwardFarmar and the Sons of Whitemarsh (Shawnee, OK: Tiki Publishing, 2018), 158.
[lxiii] His personal history is in Farmar, EdwardFarmar and the Sons of Whitemarsh, 4-156.
[lxiv] That land is what is today all of Whitemarsh Township, Montgomery County.
[lxvi] Today the remains of their mill in Whitemarsh are on the National Register of Historic Places. It was once part of the Pennsylvania Historic site of Hope Lodge. It has now been returned to private ownership. It is one block south of Hope Lodge, the address of which is 553 S. Bethlehem Pike, Fort Washington, PA 19034. Info is at https://www.historichopelodge.org/mather-mill.
[lxviii] “Edward Farmar donated one acre of ground for a log church in 1698. The log church was deliberately burned in 1710 to be replaced by a small but sturdy stone church. This second church, in which William M and Rachel were married, had no pews- worshipers stood during services. For the next one hundred and seven years, it was known simply as ‘the little Church at White Marsh’ and served as a union church of various Christian denominations. The church and graveyard suffered extensive damage following the Battle of Germantown as the Americans fought their way to Valley Forge during the Revolutionary War.” Today, it is St. Thomas Episcopal Church, Whitemarsh, Fort Washington, PA. 19034. https://www.stthomaswhitemarsh.org/church-history#:~:text=Thomas%20is%20the%2017th%20oldest,land%20to%20Major%20. Edward Farmar is listed as a member of the Friends Meeting at Gwynedd. Howard M. Jenkins, Chapter 12. Early Monthly Meeting Record of Marriages in Historical Collections Relating to Gwynedd. https://www.friendsjournal.org/legacy/abington/gwynedd/jenkinschapter12.htm.
[lxx] Birth date is from Daniel A. Graham, Valley Forge Folklore (Morgantown, PA: Mastof Press, 2019), 92.
There, Graham also gives a death date of c. 1792. However, on 104 he states “His exact date and place of death are unknown but he appears to have died about 1809. His birth date is also 1739 in Dewees family trees in Farmar, Edward Farmar and the Sons of Whitemarsh, as well as his online excerpt “Edward’s Relatives and the Revolutionary War,” https:PhillipAlanFarmar.com/tag/William-farmar-dewees/. It is also given as 1739 in Baker, C. A., “Chapter 21, My Pennsylvania Ancestors, Part I Dewees and Farmar Families” Baker Family Tree, http://bakerfamilytree.blogspot.com/2009/01/chapter-21-my-pennsylvania-ancestors.html
[lxxi] This date is based on consistent sources on Ancestry.com. William F. was the co-owner and resident manager of Valley Forge and acquaintance of George Washington. Thomas was the jailer of Philadelphia during the Revolution.
[lxxii] William Dewees and his wife Anna Christina sold the 143-acre tract to their son Henry Dewees on June 26 1738. “Family of Cornelius de Wees,” Wilson Blog, en 25.
[lxxiii] I have not found when William had acquired it.
[lxxv] Based on inscription on gravestone in Upper Burial Ground. PA Vital Records states 1744, based on inscriptions in Germantown Upper Burial Ground. Gravestone in Upper Burial Ground is to me, illegible. Photo of gravestone in “Wilhelm de Wees,” Wilson Blog states it reads “1744-1745.” His will in “Wilhelm de Wees,” Wilson Blog is dated November 1744, so 1745, most likely, is right.
[lxxvii] This is all the 93 acres of land, the mill house, gristmill that Antes had built and operated but, notably, not the new papermill and the small parcel of land on which it lay.
[lxxviii] By saying “new dwelling house” he meant the gristmill home built by Henry Antes, into which he and Anna Christina had moved.
In 1742, William M. was a member of the vestry at the Whitemarsh church.
Wilson Family Tree Album Blog 
